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University of California Press, , 2. Sheila Faria Glaser Ann Arbor: Prentice-Hall, , Leider gibt es im Augenblick nur wenig empirische Erkenntnis über den Anteil der Frauen an der Schwarzarbeit.

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In the Shadow of Catastrophe: In a Cold Crater: From Monuments to Traces: Artifacts of German Memory, —, by Rudy Koshar Bauhaus building, Dessau, by Walter Gropius, 12 2. Hindenburg Platz, Stuttgart, 27 4. Design entry for the Berlin exhibition area competition, by Hans Scharoun, 28 5. The Tiller Girls, 35 6. Bauhaus Stairway, by Oskar Schlemmer, 61 Der neue Mensch, by George Grosz, 62 Mosse House, by Erich Mendelsohn, Berlin, 68 Advertising column, 94 Electric clock tower, 95 Poster for Berlin trade exhibition on advertising, 97 Advertisement for Osram Nitra electric light bulbs, late s Berlin exhibition area, Siegessäule decorated by Osram for the Berlin in Light week, Design entry for Alexanderplatz competition, Protos Corner on the Ku-Damm, Berlin, Petersdorff textiles store, Breslau, by Erich Mendelsohn, Zeppelin in its hangar, Berlin, late s Ufa-Pavillon am Nollendorfplatz, with silver-painted exterior for Metropolis, Nighttime view of the Titania-Palast, Berlin, Lichtreklame for Babylon movie palace, Berlin, by Hans Poelzig, Auditorium of the Titania-Palast, Berlin, Plans for the modernization of the Gloria-Palast exterior, Berlin, Movie palace advertisement for Der letzte Mann, Display window opposite Gloria-Palast, Berlin, Doll show at the Ka De We, Stainless steel frames for display window, Düsseldorf, Schocken department store, Stuttgart, by Erich Mendelsohn, Elevator shaft for the Grünfeld department store, Berlin, by Otto Firle, Karstadt department store, Berlin, Ka De We display window, Hermannplatz U-Bahn station underneath the Karstadt department store, Berlin, Mannequin for display window, The murderer at the display window in M, Children watching moving toy butterflies in a display window, Berlin, This book owes its germination to a National Endowment for the Humanities seminar on Berlin and the Weimar Republic: To my former dissertation advisor, Walter H.

Sokel, I owe, as ever, a great deal for his constant mentorship on this new project. I am immensely grateful for invaluable feedback on the various chapters and their subject matter from the following friends and colleagues: My students at CU-Boulder assisted with their enthusiastic comments on the primary source materials in my seminars on urban visual culture. The readers of this manuscript for the University of California Press also contributed significantly.

A pilot version of chapter four has appeared in New German Critique 76 It is reprinted here by kind permission of the publishers. The final word of thanks goes to my wonderful husband, David M. Wrobel, who gives me true partnership in life and humanism. I dedicate Weimar Surfaces to my parents, who were born in London while the Weimar Republic was still in full swing, and whose loving support of all my endeavors continues to inspire.

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe agendas of surface and simulacrum It is in our time that the Enlightenment project has reached its ultimate implosion. For over a hundred years, mass cultural phenomena have been growing in importance, taking over from elite structures of cultural expression to become sites where real power resides, and dominating ever more surely our social imaginary. As reflections of the processes of capitalist industrialization in forms clad for popular consumption, these manifestations are literal and conceptual expressions of surface: In other words, postmodernity is living up to its name and engaging in a serious bout of nostalgia for modernity.

We do not, indeed, have to look far. Germany of the s offers us a stunning moment in modernity when surface values first ascended to become determinants of taste, activity, and occupation—a scene of functioning that shows us there was in fact a time when the new was not yet old, modernity was still modern, and spectacle was still spectacular.

Rather than dismiss modernist practice for being—despite its avantgardistic focus on surface as the predominant generator of cultural activity— perpetually in depth-seeking error and in search of transformative social hope that postmodernism has long since cynically eclipsed in some undefinably superior way, I find enormous value in examining the tangible perceptual ways in which the modern era is still part of our own.

I propose, then, that we reenact the surface terrain of Weimar Germany as one of the most dazzling examples of the modern period and reassess it according to its own merits.

A postmodernism that purifies itself from the modernist pursuit of pure form is only engaging in a new kind of epistemological error. Most crucially, what attracts the contemporary mind to these years is the basic sense of self- recognition: Weimar can be seen as the singular era of transition from the modern to the postmodern. In key ways, Weimar design initiated our current state of saturation regarding the visual codes of consumerism.

Our contemporary relation to the visual culture of the German s is therefore much closer than we might think, even as we exaggerate and intensify its political and aesthetic trajectories.

Hence what is needed is not a reclamation of modernity as any contemporary alternative to postmodernity; the more interesting endeavor lies in a reengagement with those modern elements that still underpin postmodern expression. It is the omnipresent celebration of a choice already made in the sphere of production, and the consummate result of that choice.

In form as in content the spectacle serves as total justification for the conditions and aims of the existing system. Baudrillard points, with thinly disguised relish, to the pornographic ecstasy of our latter condition: It is not obscenity—the spectacle is never obscene. Obscenity begins precisely when there is no more spectacle, no more scene, when all becomes transparence and immediate visibility, when everything is exposed to the harsh and inexorable light of information and communication.

We have killed off our amazement at spectacle in situ in much the same way as we previously killed off God according to Friedrich Nietzsche, in an excess of rationalism: There is nothing more to show—no more desire for spectacle in the modernist sense of the word—because we are always constantly displaying all.

In a state of exhaustion, the modernist new has passed over into what counts as the traditions of postmodernism: Jameson states that the writings of Marcel Proust and the designs of Frank Lloyd Wright, once revolutionary, are now canonical. Modernity was an organized distrust of the senses.

Today we are told by depthless surfaces to trust our senses again. The modernist insight went into depth, was revelatory, and tore off the veil from appearances— today we search for the meaning of surface on the surface.

That is why we are changing our style of perception: Modernism and postmodernism are not chronological eras, but political positions in the century-long struggle between art and technology. If modernism expresses utopian longing by anticipating the reconciliation of social function and aesthetic form, postmodernism acknowledges their nonidentity and keeps fantasy alive.

The critical fixation on hegemonic modernism to some extent undercuts the effort to open up the discussion of modernism from the traditional preoccupation with artistic and intellectual movements and to understand the latter as inseparable from the political, economic, and social processes of modernity and modernization, including the development of mass and media culture.

In other words, the attack on hegemonic modernism tends to occlude the material conditions of everyday modernity which distinguish living in the twentieth century from living in the nineteenth, at least for large populations in western Europe and the United States. Evidently, the study of Weimar German mass cultural phenomena runs in its emotional core somewhat against the grain of the anti-graven-image Bilderverbot inheritance of Frankfurt School theory.

Nor has this rejection of images been limited to the German intellectual sphere: The sites of surface in the German s were aestheticizations of function. These, then, are the various topoi, the literal surface areas, that form the subjects of the four ensuing chapters in this book— namely, the radical social and aesthetic changes invoked by modern architecture in Weimar Germany, and its relation to the fashion of the New Woman chapter one ; the new architectural spatiality and human sensory perception inspired by electric advertising chapter two ; Weimar cinema as architectural event, both in film production and film reception chapter three ; and the function of the display window as a nexus of Weimar consumerism chapter four.

Thus each chapter that follows is indicative of how in the middle years of the Weimar Republic there emerged a marked celebration of surface culture in everyday urban life. How and when, then, was Weimar urban spectacle expressed?

The Weimar surface era first developed, however, through the U. One year later, the effect of the Dawes Plan took hold and a steep escalation of visually oriented modernization events began: Bauhaus building, Dessau, designed by Walter Gropius The heterogeneous events of the above chronicle of Weimar surface culture during the New Objectivity years all reflect the rise of a pervasive urban spirit.

In the German s, the lines between the world of business and the world of the avant-garde become at times more than blurred: Instead, we find in the Weimar years continual crossovers in art and architecture between artist and society—the Bauhaus sought to realize its mission in applied arts for the masses, such as deornamentalized typography, kitchen units and other massproduced furniture, chinaware, and utensils, while architects like Erich Mendelsohn or Hans Poelzig built some of their most radical designs for the display needs of consumerism and the film industry.

Similarly, applied arts like advertising were entirely adept at using those same formal shock techniques of visual crisis that were also the trademark of modernist writing, art and film. Modernist representations, then, as both afterimages and prophecies of industrialization, dared to draw new polysemous distinctions, the bold preconditions for the postmodernist epigenesis to come.

These streets of surface in which zones of business, dwelling, advertising, and entertainment all simultaneously coexisted and intermingled were naturally located in the city center. Berlin, likewise, was an active competitor: The global city, according to Sassen, is still governed by the rules of agglomeration and centralization, but it has more in common with its interrelated sister global cities than it does with its own host nation.

Sassen therefore takes issue with the doomsayers of the urban in postmodern times, pointing out that globalization has not, after all, resulted in total decentralization of power out of the city.

From the Weltstadt of modernity, we have thus reached the global city of postmodernity. The site-specificity of the modern street is now the globalized centrality of transnational capital. In this context, we can refer back to Weimar Germany both as the apex of the urban modern and as the germination of the urban postmodern. Weimar visual display was created as a spatial experience whose location was still phenomenological and still on the newly asphalt-covered street.

Postindustrial cities today, in contrast, certainly make use of, but no longer in fact require, a series of commercial streets to be the site of spectacle. Window shopping does not, for the most part, take place on the street anymore, but in the electronic home or, at best, in atrium-filled malls: The majority of Americans no longer actually walk in the city. The city comes to us via the media wherever we live, so there is no more need to experience urban surface culture firsthand.

We may well ask: Yes, but only in those few urban spaces whose infrastructure was established during industrial modernity especially Manhattan, Boston, and San Francisco, or European city centers like Amsterdam, London, Paris—or even parts of reconstructed Berlin, and this despite its fractured inner city where the Wall once was.

Outside of Disney in the postmodern urban dystopia, strolling in the city is all too often associated with the loitering of street persons: While Weimar Berlin was one of the first and last metropolises to successfully combine mass transit of train, tram, and bus , pedestrianism, and the new car culture, Los Angeles was the first city whose infrastructure fully superseded foot travel.

Already boasting more cars in the s than any other city in the world, L. Adorno and Max Horkheimer felt justified in subsuming their attack on the Culture Industry within their wholesale rejection of the Enlightenment for having produced masses so ready for synchronization Gleichschaltung that they would consume or vote Nazi in the same blind breath—a process of massification that facilitated the reduction of the Jews by the Nazis to nonhumans fit only for extermination.

There are indications that the modern street experience can be revived, if only on the level of postmodern public monuments, which self-consciously lend themselves to the cause. A site of urban spectacle can be created that self-consciously plays with the architectonics of surface and material superficiality: Beaubourg, — in Paris, an exhibition structure that is painted as bright as a playhouse and shows its interior plumbing on the outside, much to the delight of tourists who come for the tactile experience of enjoying its insane surfaces, riding its transparently encased escalators along the exterior wall, and neglecting the exhibits within.

One German newspaper article insisted on finding a protofascist sense of foreboding in the wrapping of the Reichstag, linking it to a photograph of the monumental sculpture Kameradschaft Comradeship by the Nazi sculptor Josef Thorak in its wrapped condition before the opening of the German pavilion at the Paris Exhibition of Nineteenth-century European exhibition architecture began this mode, with an unashamed emphasis on surface appearance such as the world had never seen before.

World trade exhibitions glorify the exchange value of commodities. They create a space in which their use value diminishes. They open up a phantasmagoria into which people enter in order to let themselves be distracted. It was a surface event, in that it was literally built that way—as fakery. Burnham and Edward H. Indeed, we can only imagine that for visitors at this fair, where almost all the states of the U.

Yet we should not go so far as to think that because the world exhibition age is dead, we have no more equivalent displays of grand self-consumption on the scale of an entire metropolis.

Indeed, more contemporary versions of the White City would include Olympic cities, which are created and unmade in the space of months—a recent example being the rapid makeover of temporary, media-clad architecture at Georgia Tech shortly before the Olympics in Atlanta. If we are honest readers of ourselves and of our relation to the world—so the prime philosopher of cultural modernity, Nietzsche, tells us—we should admit that on some basic level we all enjoy surface; for human nature has always wanted a play-state of surface values.

Indeed for Nietzsche, in his transformatory role as architect of surface values and grand proto-postmodern debunker of the Platonic order of representation, there is greater truth in recognizing the meaninglessness of the origin and the ensuing importance of the tangible, superficial-yet-impenetrable world, than in searching for immaterial origins and metaphysical depth.

If we want to grasp things, then we end up arriving at nothing but the mirror again. At the heart of all things, Nietzsche finds affective forces eternally and agonistically inclined toward supremacy and play, toward destructiveness and creation, toward illusionary nonknowledge and forgetting.

They knew how to live. What is required for that is to stop courageously at the surface, the fold, the skin, to adore appearance, to believe in forms, tones, words, in the whole Olympus of appearance.

Those Greeks were superficial—out of profundity. The way power is nowadays unremittingly located within the realm of commodity display would not have pleased Nietzsche, if his criticism of the Wagner cult is anything to go by. In his essay on the Berlin trade exhibition, for example, Simmel notes the ambiguous parallel between the exhibited objects of world trade fairs and the metropolitan individual: In plans of for the Hindenburg Platz intersection at the Stuttgart railway station fig.

Hindenburg Platz, Stuttgart The Arcades Project effectively gives us the prehistory of Weimar modernity with a vast collection of archival notes on the rise of the fetishistic nature of commodities and hence the origins of surface culture in Second Empire Paris.

The Eiffel Tower is the epitome of this double discourse: Weber assessed modernity thus: The increasing intellectualization and rationalization does not. Rather it means for us something different: Hence the collective unconscious of the modern industrial age was to be found in the apparently functionalist realm of glass transparency that consistently exteriorized the interior.

Nonetheless, Benjamin finds its displacement effect entirely mythologizing; for, rather than serve the masses on the path toward critical self-understanding of their roles in the capitalist production-and-display process, all the surface dream does is support them and now us narcotically in a delusionary condition of isolating conformity and unfulfillable desire. Against this Benjamin posits a neo-Enlightenment reading of his Arcades Project, which was to have provided a stimulus to social change and greater autonomy for the reader-consumer.

This, indeed, is why we should care about the Benjaminian desire for epiphany, for a wake-up call from our continued virtual slumbering.

Yet if Benjamin is open to the active participation of the consumer, his openness remains contingent on various transformations required for the new dream-world of commodity fetishism. What Benjamin is seeking and what he demonstrates in his own texts is not a retrogressive ornamental style, but instead a surface-orientation that is less rigid and will permit a Nietzschean, or proto-postmodern play between the traces of surfaces. Since these judgments are expressions of the tendencies of a particular era, they do not offer conclusive testimony about its overall constitution.

The surface-level expressions, however, by virtue of their unconscious nature, provide unmediated access to the fundamental substance of the state of things. Conversely, knowledge of this state of things depends on the interpretation of these surface-level expressions.

The fundamental substance of an epoch and its unheeded impulses illuminate each other reciprocally. As the s progressed, however, and increasingly after his absorption of Marxist theory in , Kracauer displays a more resigned acceptance of the opacity of surface.

His writings on film and mass urban culture of the Weimar s betray a certain contradictoriness: As both Benjamin and Kracauer intimate, the s witnessed a massification of the work of art into entertainment forms that mirrored the Taylorized working reality of the Weimar masses and matched the psychological need of the modern metropolitan type for distractions on an equivalent scale.

The average working week fell from just over fifty hours in to just over forty-one hours in The Tiller Girls The end result is the ornament, whose closure is brought about by emptying out all the substantial constructs of their contents. First, one could say that he is, as a low-flying observer of all the localities of urban mass culture, glad that the massificationcum-modernization of life has brought about a socialization of art; whatever the masses produce and are entertained by, it is certainly a healthy step beyond the history of ideas or elitist art practices, which are, he opines, left far behind in terms of social power and relation to the real.

It is indicative of his concern that behind the consumerist motto of self- aggrandizement the social condition of most people, particularly the uprooted millions who migrated from the countryside to the cities during the Wilhelmine and Weimar years, in fact worsened. In this context, it is less surprising that the orphanlike white-collar workers would subsequently—in the wake of the Great Depression and in the ruins of their faith in all that Weimar surface glamour could bring them— constitute the largest constituency of National Socialist vote.

Warnings against the dangers of surface culture arose alongside the hype: Faces become increasingly similar through the influence of the same passions, bodies more similar to each other through the practice of the same sports, minds more similar for sharing the same interests. The rushing, almost automatic development has turned the German people into a big barracks full of brand manufacturers. By , the last year of the Weimar Republic, the surface dream was over: Berlin, reeling in economic crisis, showed every sign of desperation and degeneration in its frantic price wars in store windows over items that no one could afford to buy.

New Objectivity, which had begun as an earnest term for faith in progress and Fordism, declined as a satirical one when surface values failed to deliver. Nonetheless, the enunciation of a new mass cultural superstratum that began in the s is still in force. In our condition as postmodern epigones we are still inevitably responding to the heritage of Weimar urban culture. To retrospectively study the German modern is the furthest from engaging in memento mori.

In The Illusions of Postmodernism , Terry Eagleton mocks Baudrillardian discourse and those who emulate it for selling out to consumerism even as they dare to step out of the ivory tower of Geist: Eagleton and Readings feel they cannot just sit by as they watch the academic discourse of cultural studies effectively share corporate values, especially when it claims to subvert the status quo from within. Weimar Surfaces does not claim such pseudorevolutionary status for itself, but neither does it reject a certain degree of preconditioning by the current commodification of intellectual life.

This may in fact be the best way to write historiographies of visual culture; as W. In what follows, I attempt a reactivation of ocular cultural memory: The true picture of the past flits by. The past can be seized only as an image which flashes up at the instant when it can be recognized and is never seen again. For every image of the past that is not recognized by the present as one of its own concerns threatens to disappear irretrievably.

History is the subject of a structure whose site is not homogeneous, empty time, but time filled by the presence of the now [Jetztzeit]. Inhabitants feared break-ins by Fassadenkletterer burglars accessing apartments via the scaffolding ; local businesses whose storefronts were under wraps 45 Figure 6.

As one observer noted, s fashions of architecture and fashion were of a pair: For we live in an age of objectivity. That both saves space and uses space. The general call of Weimar architectural modernity was for the building thus changed as well as its inhabitants, their attitudes, their habits, and the clothes they wore to present only essence, no more and no less: This often led to strange contradictions between individual parts of the thus-changed house.

The upper and lower parts would not go together any more. The rapidity of conversion in the structural praxis became apparent, sometimes to a comical degree. But the result was nonetheless positive, since impossible buildings that had looked at the new age like pathetic ghosts of a diedout fashion now received at least in their essentials a new sense of life.

This focus on surface was akin to a face-lift, on which the new decorations of the modern era such as fashion, advertising text, neon lighting, cinematic performance, and glass display of commodities would not be just afterthoughts but would be quintessentially at home as key elements in the art of construction itself.

Ornament whether nostalgic Wilhelmine or hybrid postmodern can thus be understood as an aesthetic flight from the functioning of the technologized world in its absolute sense.

While nonetheless acknowledging the failure of functionalism and the Bauhaus to deliver on their promises for healing the rift between art and technology, or beauty and reason,34 Harries does offer us the useful reminder that the modern movement in architecture, in its reformist agenda of creating surfaces that more authentically matched the respective functions that buildings actually enact in their social contexts, was aimed toward something that will necessarily rearise from time to time.

Ornament is not primarily something by itself that is then applied to something else but belongs to the self-presentation of its wearer. Ornament is part of the presentation.

But presentation is an ontological event; it is representation. Hence it is precisely this organic compatibility of surface and structure that the Weimar modern achieved, albeit briefly.

The brief coincidence of avant-gardistic vision and popular culture during the heyday of New Objectivity from to brought forth an oxymoronic condition of ornament-free ornamentation that was not escapist decoration over the void nor yet its eventual, post-WWII exclusion of the all-too-human needs of dwelling , but wholly functional and authentic within the society whence it came.

By destylizing and revealing the bare surface for what it is, the underlying form—whether architectural or human—was highlighted and put under a new scrutiny.

In Weimar terms, the resurfacing of architecture was always couched in terms of its applications—hence the attainment of a form that was authentic to the function of the construction under consideration became recognized as the main goal.

Yes, it is life itself. We know of no life that does not rush toward form. Surface, which was formerly held to possess no intrinsic capacity for expression, and so at best could only find decorative utilization, has now become the basis of composition. Our powers of perception became widened and sharpened in consequence. The human eye awoke to the spectacle of form, line, and color—that is, the whole grammar of composition.

What was the significance of the new building materials iron and glass, steel and reinforced concrete and the concomitant new construction techniques for these new acts of surfacing? Oud, and especially in such cities as Berlin, Amsterdam, and Prague, a new ornament-free surface rose in stature and visibility. These new spatial techniques of openness, moreover, once applied to the industrial or public building, could now influence and invade those of the private dwelling, which itself in turn turned outwards.

The foray that Wagner began into the deconstruction of architectural surface for urban modernity was taken a radical step further by his pupil, Adolf Loos.

Ornament is something that must be overcome. The lack of ornament is a sign of intellectual power. All of these things are products of the formula, function times economy. They are not artworks; art is composition, while purpose is function. His new world seems scarily reifying in its lack of room for the outmoded sentiments i.

Such is the New Man, the embodiment of Weimar surface; for Kracauer he is the detective-type, the representative of the ratio, and the neutral fact-finder of New Objectivity. Kracauer summarizes the New Man thus: Bauhaus Stairway, by Oskar Schlemmer The Stuttgart building inspectors immediately found fault with almost every aspect of the Weissenhof houses: Such conservative reactions found validation when the exorbitant cost was discovered for what were ostensibly models for future mass housing.

The total planned budget came to 1,, RM, but the actual costs were much higher, and the city of Stuttgart had to pay for the many repairs. Der neue Mensch, by George Grosz A skeleton, thin and agile like a person in sportshirt and pants. As the prime facilitator of the new streamlining of design, as the man-made version of pure crystal, and as the medium par excellence of clean, clear surface, glass undeniably brought about the most dazzling transformation to date of architectural apperception.

In the decades of West German public and governmental architecture, glass has long been associated with postwar sensibilities of democratic openness. Taut encapsulated a more fertile vision of glass culture with his colored glass dome for the Mittag department store in Magdeburg, or again with his design for the Werkbund Exhibition in Cologne the same year: The Glass House provoked both a metaphysical and a self-reflexive attitude toward its material: The fantastical and exhibitionist architecture of Scheerbart and Taut soon gave way, however, to the functionalist application of building with glass that took its cue from modern factory design.

Despite its history of rust problems that broke the glass panes, the Fagus works was the first building to have pendant-effect corners of translucent glass and even featured interior glass walls. Gropius asserts that joy, not despair, is to be the result of this nudity at the core of Neues Bauen: The New Architecture throws open its walls like curtains to admit a plenitude of fresh air, daylight and sunshine.

Instead of anchoring buildings ponderously into the ground with massive foundations, it poises them lightly, yet firmly, upon the face of the earth; and bodies itself forth, not in stylistic imitation or ornamental frippery, but in those simple and sharply modelled designs in which every part merges naturally into the comprehensive volume of the whole. In this gay wisdom, the unbearable lightness of building creates a liberating sense of levity. Mosse House, Berlin, designed by Erich Mendelsohn This basic trait in the Weimar discourse of the modern skyscraper returns us infallibly to its Tautian expressionist roots, no matter how functionalist the program.

After all, in the words of Theodor W. Rather, it is for all its purism an architectural style, as attractive and prone to fashion as any other and here Muthesius lets the cat out of the functionalist bag: Pollak neatly relativizes any inherent tendency toward rational absolutism in the new relation between function and design: In the euphoria of his newly found freedom he believes that he has given priority to pure objectivity.

For exarchitect Kracauer, the Weimar nonstyle was ultimately a hypocritical construct: Every fixture and every movement in. The raising of this impalpable glassy ghost, which transforms itself like a kaleidoscope or light reflex, signifies that the new dwelling is not the last solution. For the houseskeletons are not an end in themselves; rather they are the necessary bridge to an abundance that will not require any more points of departure and today can only be witnessed negatively in sorrow.

They will flesh out only when the human being climbs out of the glass. It has not been pure functional form for a long time; rather it is covered with technoid decorations. Certainly, it will be so. And that is not its least advantage. For first the European must be wrenched out of his coziness [Gemütlichkeit]. Only where comfort ends, does humanity begin. But his words also transport the contemporary reader to an Ayn Randian architectural realm, one where an infinite series of Miesian Seagram buildings is unleashed on what was once the private domain: The destructive character knows only one watchword: The destructive character is young and cheerful.

For destroying rejuvenates in clearing away the traces of our own age. The destructive character is always blithely at work. No vision inspires the destructive character. He has few needs, and the least of them is to know what will replace what has been destroyed. First of all, for a moment at least, empty space, the place where the thing stood or the victim lived. The destructive character is the enemy of the etui-man. The etuiman looks for comfort, and the case is its quintessence.

The inside of the case is the velvet-lined track [Spur] that he has imprinted on the world. The destructive character obliterates even the traces of destruction. It is also cold and sober. It is also the enemy of ownership. Such buildings were the daily living reality for most Weimar Berliners the working classes, which included the new whitecollar workers, the Angestellten.

The need was acute. One practically had to be a Groszian ascetically reformed neuer Mensch to live there. In the wave of rationalization of the domestic living space, women became the objects, or carriers, of a new-found pragmatism in the home, insofar as women were, despite their WWI-induced entry into the workforce, still the primary organizers of and consumers for the household.

She offers her readers a total systematization of the home, addressing budgeting, cooking, cleaning, furnishing, and child-raising all in one. Even single working women were recognized as worthy of having apartment blocks built specifically for them. The Bauhaus, during its Dessau design phase, likewise focused on the rationalized working kitchen. The functional kitchen was to be a work of art of totally preplanned positionality for the woman as user; but even Meyer herself admitted that this immaculate, modern kitchen was for most women still an expensive, imaginary tune Zukunftsmusik.

For the hygiene fashion during the German s was not an isolated phenomenon: Both were, in fact, scenarios of mass regeneration literal and cultural acts of cleansing, under American tutelage in the face of recent national defeat.

Indeed, this functionalist-cum-feminine ideal that was in tandem with the goals of Neues Bauen was repeated consistently across the spectrum of the Weimar popular media. Georg Simmel defined fashion in as one of the ways in which humans follow a tendency toward Aristotelian mimesis and communal similarity, and yet simultaneously work against this tendency using its opposite, namely the will toward individuality and change.

The fashion of the s, especially its stylizations of the New Woman, was wholly part of the aspirations of Weimar German modernization in general, wherein form and function could be matched in a such a way to bring beauty nature, sex appeal and industry efficiency, commercial profits together. Here, a figure of the New Woman rises gigantically above the twin towers proposed by the Luckhardt Brothers and Alfons Anker for the Alexanderplatz competition: Front cover for Die Reklame Advertising, architecture, and the new female identity are merged here into the unified functionalism of sheer surface.

Of course, being stripped of ornament was not the same as being ornament-free: Nonetheless, the use of rayon democratized female dress like no other before it. Cities like Leipzig in and Hamburg began a series of trade shows exhibiting the new material, so as to acquaint German retailers with its possibilities for the public, and there was even a national committee that organized rayon exhibitions.

One key consequence of the architecturalization of the body of the New Woman according to the surfaces of New Objectivity was that her image became not that of a mature woman but of a practically prepubescent girl, who more closely resembled the athletic, slim-hipped, broad-shouldered Greek male youth of Western art than any previous female body ideal.

The hip-tied dress may have been unformed, but it was also uniformed; the newly gained mobility was gained only along the lines of rationalized, regimented expectations of fitness. And yet it is on the body of the New Woman that Weimar surface culture was most vividly inscribed in all its force—despite the fact that the figure of modernity was predominantly male, and despite the traditional view of woman as a figure of Unsachlichkeit.

A leading fashion magazine announced in , for example, that there was practically no difference any more between the American-style male and female bathing costumes. Amidst this enforced idealization of thinness, with diet pills and vitamins, it is no coincidence that anorexia and bulimia began in earnest in the s. The Story of a Moralist Fabian. Die Geschichte eines Moralisten, Kracauer comments scathingly on the feminization of all salesmen in Die Angestellten: Its morality is to be tinted pink, its pink morally primed.

That is how it is desired by those on whom the selection is incumbent. They would like life to be covered with a coat of varnish that would veil over its far from rosy reality. Nowhere more than in New Objective Germany was there such a prime site for these cross-processes of modernity.

Friedrich von Schiller advertising as power The advertising realm of the Weimar Republic offers us today a remarkable visual record of the reenchantment of modernity via apparently rational means. It is a particularly apposite example of the relentless functioning of surface culture that was so characteristic of German modernity in its commercial, urban setting. While the National Socialist party of the s insisted on seeing in the new urban consumerist culture elements of the Jewish threat, advertising nonetheless remained a highly efficient national self-promotion, or warfare by other means.

The battle of materials, the Materialschlacht, did not end in ; rather, the technological war on the senses was just beginning. The turn of the century witnessed the gradual implosion of advertising into art, and art into advertising. Decisive in the development of advertising aesthetics and in bringing art and industry closer together was the Werkbund, founded in Munich in by Friedrich Naumann, with such luminaries on board as Henry van de Velde, Fritz Schumacher, and Hermann Muthesius.

Given the way the masses moved about the modern city, outdoor electric advertisements were referred to in the U. Add to this the new cinematic affines, namely slides projected at the movie theaters between film screenings, and the nascent genre of advertising films, and it is easy to see how the face of modern advertising was being changed forever, with such visually and mechanically oriented media clearly outshining the more traditional written formats for ads and announcements in newspapers, illustrated magazines, and flyers.

Advertising is, primarily, a discourse of visually harnessed, or applied, power. Electric clock tower Normaluhr advertising Sarotti chocolates As if in response to such a call, advertising was made a university subject Werbewissenschaft in ,12 and the stabilization years witnessed a veritable plethora of self-promotional advertising trade journals, such as Die Auslage, Seidels Reklame, Reklamekunst, Die Reklame, and Zeitschrift für Waren- und Kaufhäuser.

By there were fifteen professional advertising and marketing associations in Germany e. It was announced at this event that Germany was spending nine hundred million RM on advertising per year more per capita than the U. Official poster for the Berlin trade exhibition on advertising Reklameschau, By , even after the economic crisis of had forced the demise of many commercial psychotechnics agencies, the subject was being taught at thirty-three German universities and institutes.

According to Kracauer in his commentaries on Weimar culture, the urban masses went in search of distraction that would match the stimulation of their mechanized, bureaucratized work patterns: A advertising study, Allgemeine Werbelehre by Rudolf Seyffert, offers a definition of advertising that is rather telling in this regard: Initial forays were performed into what nowadays count as market analysis and marketing strategy.

Kurt Friedlaender, in a study,31 concentrates on the psychology of advertising attraction, interest, attention, and association, treating the human range of reactions as something entirely quantifiable and predictable so long as the correct stimuli are given.

The uniform nonindividuality of these masses was forged by collective activity, such as that idealized by psychotechnical logic for the workplace, or for the ways people responded to advertising: What most transformed the power of outdoor advertising as a mass of visual signifiers was the use of electricity.

Moreover, it is a color medium of motion, of action, of life, of light, of compulsory attraction. The First World War brought a total ban on electric advertising, more for economic reasons than anything else—a blackout that lasted until the early s. Gaslights and electric lights increased in the nighttime streets, as if light had been sown. The International Electrotechnical Exhibition in Frankfurt a. The groundwork for the massive impact of electricity on commercial and private life during the Weimar Republic was laid during the Wilhelmine years.

Between and the capital of the electric company AEG rose from five to 60 million RM, confirming its status as a world player among the industrial monopolies. In , Osram developed a way of shaping the bulb into letters or other symbols, which significantly expanded the application of neon advertising. The first large neon display in Germany was in Leipzig in Advertisement for Osram Nitra electric light bulbs late s.

Taylor theorizes, the tectonics of artistic production irrevocably shifted toward the postmodern: A illustration for Seidels Reklame suggests such a residual transference of the scene of air battles to the lit-up metropolis fig.

The words of expressionist Ludwig Meidner at the outbreak of war in already paint the urban setting as one of electric warfare: We clearly feel shreds and beams and parcels of light. Light surfaces lie right across the walls. Right in the middle of a sea of heads, a light explosive goes off.

Light mobilizes all things in space. Goldschlag, electricity is but one of a staccato factual list of features epitomizing the fierce tempo of the modern metropolis: A veritable frenzy of light will brighten the metropolis of the future, one that no imagined dazzle from old fairy tales can come close to.

The revolving light scans the night, ever turning, and when the storm howls it flies over the high waters, whose waves wash the acres of railway. The Berlin exhibition area lit by the Osram electric company For Nietzsche, conceptual truth lay more in the darkness of the Will than in the daylight of rationalism: Artificial light graced the museums and churches for the first time, lending a Parisian glamour to Berlin,90 and definitively bringing the advertising lights of the Kurfürstendamm to the Schinkel buildings of old.

The Light Week provided yet more proof that the Glanz of the city was lent it not by its palaces and ministries but by its commercial areas instead. The event also spawned a mimetic string of electric weeks organized by other German cities, such as the Frankfurter Lichtfest December , or the Hamburg im Licht week, for which even the housefronts of the traditional Binnenalster were lit up. Manhattan in particular inspired Weimar producers of architecture: As a result of such architectural innovations, by the mids Berlin was no longer borrowing from Manhattan or London for advertising ideas.

Other buildings particularly suited to exterior walls of neon Lichtbauten were the new gas stations, as well as exhibition pavilions, such as at the various trade fairs during the s, or the Berlin tourist office pavilion on Unter den Linden. The architectural mission strove as a result toward a bold new synthesis of light and form, as the Weimar lighting expert and self-proclaimed innovator of light-architecture, Joachim Teichmüller, theorized in It is the task of the architect to employ, in full awareness of the power of light and shadow to form space, the means offered him by modern artificial light.

Exterior space and surface could now be accentuated and extended by night in ways unconnected with their daytime aspects. Where necessary, electric advertising was used to transform the shape of an otherwise unwieldy, oldfashioned building into something wholly modern by night. And in the same way, indoor architecture and light fixtures were becoming, thanks to new methods of indirect lighting such as in pillars and ceilings lit from within , fully integrated one with another for the first time.

For even here it is not the construction, but light that matters most. Here it is crucial to realize that the demands of Fordist consumerism added a new twist to these revelatory renovations: It disappeared and did not communicate. Only the display window shone out. The building itself did not exist any more, its contours faded away with the black sky.

Today architecture awakens in the evening to a new, fantastical existence. Design entry for Alexanderplatz competition, presumed to be by Johann Emil Schaudt Tricklichtreklame or Wanderschrift-Lichtreklame were considered the most sophisticated: Weimar commercial architecture bears particular witness to the influence of Erich Mendelsohn. Two unmistakable principles emerge in what became known during the Weimar years as Mendelsohnian dynamism in architecture: Petersdorff textiles store in Breslau, designed by Erich Mendelsohn Evidently, denizens of the modern metropolis had every right to feel that shock was their definitive motif.

The traffic lights change restlessly from red to gold and then to green. The lighted advertisements flash with the dramatic iteration of coastal lighthouses. The trams swing and jingle. The jaguar in the Zoo paces feverishly all night. Robert Musil, who resided in Berlin during the s, writes of this modernity in The Man Without Qualities as a scene of frenetic motion: Air and earth form an ant-hill, veined by channels of traffic, rising storey upon storey.

Overhead-trains, overground-trains, underground-trains, pneumatic express mails carrying consignments of human beings, chains of motor-vehicles all racing along horizontally, express lifts pumping crowds from one traffic-level to another. World War I, is experienced here as a psychosocial breakdown rather than as a breakthrough.

The surface turned toward the external world will from its very situation be differentiated and will serve as an organ for receiving stimuli. It acquires the shield in this way: By its death, the outer layer has saved all the deeper ones from a similar fate—unless, that is to say, stimuli reach it which are so strong that they break through the protective shield.

Freud found, accordingly, that shell shock was less common among WWI veterans who had fixated repeatedly and anxiously on the potential horror of modern technological warfare prior to actually experiencing it in the trenches. In this remapping of the subject, the panoramic gaze was both mobile and mobilized, and promised infinite, if illusory, powers of expansion to the participant.

This model can, in turn, be situated within the shock or stimulation that Weimar advertising aimed to create in the mass spectator. Outdoor ads of the German s took the apparently ingenuous, literal form of surface decoration; but they strategically aimed, via the techniques of montage stimulation and desire simulation, to break through the stimulus shield of the indifferent or distracted passer-by, and so remold the urban mass consciousness in their own image.

It has the effect of anaesthetizing the organism, not through numbing, but through flooding the senses. One artist drew an illustration for the Seidels Reklame advertising journal in of an imaginary fire at the premiere Ufa-Palast movie palace in Berlin: But in real life, not every location was appropriate for street stimulation.

Luckily for the traffic accident rate, the city council realized this would be a contradiction in terms. Mabuse with his hypnotic trick light effects in a magic show. The brighter the lights, the duller the public. Psychotechnician Friedlaender noted that electric street displays must make use of sudden contrastive changes in color, shape, and intensity, so that the stimulus shield of passers-by can be broken—here Friedlaender cites the rather gruesome cautionary tale of a Yale experiment wherein a frog, which had immediately jumped out when placed into a container of warm water, slowly boiled to death when placed into a container of cold water whose temperature was raised at an imperceptibly slow rate.

Proposal to install pedestrian barriers Gehbahn-Schranken bearing advertisements at street intersections in Stuttgart When hapless Franz Biberkopf emerges in from Tegel after his four years of imprisonment for murder, he has to play catch-up with the advances of the New Objectivity years that have passed him by.

We have dived into the flickering night of nonbelief, of which the hellish aspect of our cities sparkling in light is a terrible metaphor. The geometry of reason is a veil over a diabolical mosaic that at times becomes horrifyingly alive. Electric advertising in its incandescently glistening red and ice-blue fascination, a modern bar, an American film comedy—all these are segments of the mighty Luciferian tumult, the sight of which fills the lonely viewer equally with both raging desire and overwhelming fear.

Hell itself could not be equipped with a more poisonous show of splendid lights. Ads themselves reflected this panopticism, to be exercised in theory by whoever bought into the electric vision of and over the globe. Part of the attraction that brought people to gaze upon modern advertising—for all its structural shock-tactics as a traumatic, dislocating experience that split open the unity of the subject—was, of course, an intense scopophilia.

The visual pleasure of Weimar advertising occurred then as now within a sphere of sexually charged stimulation. In the evening one saunters through the streets, replete with an unfulfillment from which a fullness could sprout. Some sort of magic spurs that spirit relentlessly amid the thousand electric bulbs, out of which it constitutes and reconstitutes itself into glittering sentences.

The horizon is crowded with advertising. The sky is trade. The real stars are nowhere to be seen. They have fled out into interstellar space, not wanting to become rivals of artificial light. We stand on the asphalt ground of the most up-to-date earth. The posthumanist subject is cloned into what capitalism wants to make of it; the individual is the experimental guinea pig in a rebirth of the surface-self out of the spirit of advertising.

The imagination of the urban white-collar worker was thus emptied out and refilled by the stimulus shield induced first by the shocks of technological change, but then strengthened and maintained by the desires of the consumer industry.

In the crowd, the holistic event grows for the single person into a collective intoxication, a release of feelings, in which people mutually enflame one another. The aim here is semiotic fetishism: The striving to make the merely useful visually stimulating. If an advertisement were strictly functional, without ornamental surplus, it would no longer fulfil its purpose as advertisement. In this respect, then, Simmel foresaw the path that strategic advertising would end up taking over the course of the twentieth century: Post changes in advertising were subtle rather than obvious: Jewish contributors and modern fonts were dropped from trade magazines like Die Reklame, but much of the proelectric tone remained the same.

In , the Berlin police legislated against flashing electric lights because they were apparently causing traffic accidents. By the mids, even the term Heimatschutz was beginning to be used by pragmatists in conjunction with, rather than in opposition to, advertising, as the national and economic benefits of advertising became more widely understood. It became the job of the Baupolizei not so much to resist as to charge money: The story includes two magnates at war with each other over the very German issue of outdoor electric advertising.

Consider, after all, their shared methodologies: It hit the spectator like a bullet, it happened to him, thus acquiring a tactile quality. It promoted a demand for film, the distracting element of which is also primarily tactile, being based on changes of place and focus which periodically assail the spectator. Today the most real, the mercantile gaze into the heart of things is the advertisement.

It tears down the stage upon which contemplation moved, and all but hits us between the eyes with things as a car, growing to gigantic proportions, careens at us out of a film screen. There is the origin of the modern spectacle.

The shock of the surprise effect. To organize a spectacle based on these daily phenomena, the artists who want to distract the crowd must undergo a continual renewal. It is a hard profession, the hardest profession. The intensity of the street shatters our nerves and drives us crazy. Not what the moving red neon sign says—but the fiery pool reflecting it in the asphalt. Script—having found, in the book, a refuge in which it can lead an autonomous existence—is pitilessly dragged out into the street by advertisements and subjected to the brutal heteronomies of economic chaos.

The newspaper is read more in the vertical than in the horizontal plane, while film and advertisement force the printed word entirely into the dictatorial perpendicular. And before a contemporary finds his way clear to opening a book, his eyes have been exposed to such a blizzard of changing, colorful, conflicting letters that the chances of his penetrating the archaic stillness of the book are slight. Locust swarms of print, which already eclipse the sun of what city dwellers take for intellect, will grow thicker with each succeeding year.

It also signified their liberation through the new methods of transportation: The philosophy of Neues Bauen focused primarily on the efficient functioning of the city as a whole rather than isolated tower-achievements. Indeed, the most successful skyscrapers of the Weimar years were made of wood, board, and material scilicet: We can turn again to that incessant viewfinder of postmodern visual culture, namely Baudrillard, for a haunting vision of where advertising has ended up in relation to the postmodern condition.

His remarks lend themselves well to some concluding remarks on our predicament: As Baudrillard sums up the situation: Le Corbusier Das Kino. The crucial importance of film architecture during the German silent era was widely recognized at the time: Caligari Das Cabinet des Dr.

Caligari , claimed that this work initiated the new profession of film architect. Before these huge studios were built, Ufa made interim use of the former Zeppelin aerodrome at Staaken near Berlin, thereby creating overnight the largest atelier in the world fig. In , Neubabelsberg opened the largest Nur-Kunstlicht-Atelier in Europe today called the Metropolis-Halle , built specifically for the purpose: The high experienced by visitors to the Ufa city evidently provided a surrogate feeling of filmic omnipotence—here in the words of a journalist who in accompanied Fritz Lang onto the famed set for Metropolis and experienced his own Babel-sublime by stepping momentarily into the shoes of the cameramen: To the point from which incredible optical effects are to be captured for the film.

The Neubabelsberg concern at Ufa is specifically made for outdoor shots. Here the skyscrapers and the lines of streets from Metropolis, city of the future, reach high up into the sky. In addition to the detached buildings there are two large ateliers on the lot. Administration buildings and workshops are located in 22 massive buildings. Postcard of the Zeppelin in its hangar, Berlin s. A power plant translates a high-tension current of 10, volts in three transformers into normal direct current, and delivers enough power for about 15, amperes of light consumption.

Of special interest are the underground film chambers that provide extra protection against any explosions caused by spontaneous combustion. With such pragmatic sentiments about filmmaking technologies, Weimar cinema took up the tools of expressionist yearnings for a mythological rebirth for Germany in the wake of the defeat of World War I, and created thereby a neo-expressionist filmic monumentalism. The rebuilding of Germany via film took place quite literally, since film offered the most lucrative and creative opportunities to underemployed architects—both in set-design and in constructing the new movie palaces.

The image is information. The image is a game. The image is fate. The image is chaos. The image is peace. The image can be everything, it can give everything, when it runs through the projector at thirty little pictures a second.

The image is to blame for everything. We want to see. They are occupied with higher things. A former—if mediocre— architect himself, now thoroughly disillusioned with monument-building,22 Kracauer complains about the monumental film sets used by Ufa.

Kracauer had worked from to for Theodor Fischer, one of the most renowned architects of the day. They are copies and distortions that have been ripped out of time and jumbled together. They stand motionless, full of meaning from the front, while from the rear they are just empty nothingness.

A bad dream about objects that has been forced into the corporeal realm. His discomfort is first and foremost on behalf of the architectural profession: Only through what is for Kracauer a brigade of disconnected, cellular processes inherent to the entire filmmaking process e. What the spectator-subject of film does not see is revealed and derided by Kracauer as a manufactured, patently false, and potentially harmful art or industry of manipulation.

Or again, the rooftops in Faust were small models, while the Castle of Worms in Siegfried was truly massive. Remaining paramount is of course his socialist concern for the mass urban viewing public that is at the mercy of the new entertainment medium. In , 40 million movie tickets were sold in Berlin alone, and approximately million throughout Germany—the equivalent of every German seeing seventeen films per year. Freshly built, and yet already there for a long time.

Spirits of millions of Rentenmarks hover around it, complaining. Despite his warning cry, Kracauer is nonetheless the first to point out that the mass ornament remains a more genuine artistic production than any outdated high art form. His aim is not to smash the camera apparatus itself for being as Jean-Louis Baudry would say 50 a fatalistically predetermined instrument of Platonism, or a regressive recreator of the Lacanian mirror-stage, but rather, to de-auratize its monumentalist posturing in the name of social ist enlightenment.

The involuntary idleness that has been imposed for years now on German architects has not been able to stifle their desire for grand building projects. The impossibility of building in reality has driven artists like Poelzig to create expressionist movie palace architecture, while fanatics like Taut are dreaming up hazardous glass palaces and a utopian alpine architecture. The architectural setting tends to emphasize a dignity that used to inhabit the institutions of high culture.

It favors the lofty and the sacred as if designed to accommodate works of eternal significance— just one step short of burning votive candles. Distraction—which is meaningful only as improvisation, as a reflection of the uncontrolled anarchy of our world—is festooned with drapery and forced back into a unity that no longer exists. Perhaps Babelsberg et al represents, after all, the most truly modern, and even proto-postmodern, aspect of Weimar film.

Never before have I seen walls so covered with obscenities as in the film-city; never before have I received so strong an impression of how a culture must look where production springs from a real, fiercely driven need, where there are masters and succession, and where that which is accomplished is dragged out of the workshop right into the discussion. Here indeed the haste of production stands in reverse relation to the value and duration of the product.

Hollywood, states Virilio, is. Here, more than anywhere, advanced technologies have converged to create a synthetic space-time. Griffith while waiting for the megalomaniacal urbanizations of Disneyland, Disneyworld and Epcot Center. One success story of the potential of the Weimar film-city was constructed for the set of the last silent film by Joe May in The studio street of Asphalt was so stunning that it merited being painted in and of itself fig.

But there was an extra agenda: This occurs not only in the crowds on the film street, but also and more interestingly in the live shop-window model taking off her stockings for the voyeurs outside the shop and those in the auditorium , or in the not-so-live wax figure effigies filling the double-decker buses.

Else is a jewelry thief, the epitome of all male fears concerning the New Woman, who wears her wares on the outside, for she is nothing but surface in the Nietzschean sense of antiessence and the realm of appearances being the greater truth for modernity. Few women are found in well-known informal sectors like construction and repair. Women are engaged in less autonomous jobs, earn less 37 and tend to have the informal job for economic necessity, rather than to earn extra cash on the side like men do.

Birgit Pfau-Effinger in a study for the EC connects the incidence and types of female undeclared employment to different types of welfare states. In the egalitarian social democratic welfare regimes, there is neither the culture, nor the need to rely on female undeclared domestic labour, thanks to state provision.

In conservative welfare states, like the former West Germany, the culture and the demand for domestic labour led to the growth of undeclared work of considerable size in the household sector. Finally, in the countries of the so called Latin Rim, cultural norms were very much opposed to women working formally, and strongly geared towards keeping them in the house to perform family tasks. They even differ within countries.

Consequently, different approaches should be used in different countries. Policy should be robust: Rather, it should contain a wide variety of tools and models, which can be used in different situations and circumstances as they appear. A key element in a policy towards undeclared work, in both old and new Member States, should be the strengthening of trust in government and government institutions. This must be done on the basis of long-term efforts that are designed to strengthen community morale and increase confidence in public institutions.

Changing attitudes is a very important instrument in the struggle against undeclared work, since control measures, inter alia due to insufficient resources, can never by themselves eliminate the problem. Two important measures when it comes to achieving a positive change of attitudes are to launch information campaigns against undeclared work in the different countries and for the various countries to adopt — in cooperation with EU — a code of ethics for those who work in the public sector.

A codified summary of ethical behaviour and codes of conduct containing well-defined and concrete guidelines should be drawn up for employees in both public administration and publicly 38 owned companies.

It is also vital that the EU promote the development of a similar code of ethics in the private sector, in close consultation with social partners. As regards the information campaigns, they should be adapted to national or even regional circumstances, and aim to increase public confidence in and commitment to the financing of the welfare systems.

In the new countries, campaigns should be directed especially towards the younger population. They should be the pillars of transformation. Incentives for the transformation of undeclared work into formal jobs should be improved. Voluntarily transforming undeclared work into legal labour should be attractive, in the sense of not posing a risk or cost.

Member States should thus be stimulated to develop forms of formalisation, general or targeted, allowing illicit workers and illicit employers to make themselves known, along the lines of the Italian example. Individuals and businesses can be given a sort of amnesty for a specified period of time, offering them incorporation into the formal economy without fear of retribution. The connection between taxes and benefits must be made clearly visible.

Member States should clarify this connection, to enable citizens rapidly and easily to perceive the returns, in terms of services, of money paid in taxes. One example is the development of a pension system where there is a clear relation between the money earned and the building up of pension claims, like in many west European countries.

Participation must be simple. When an individual is wanted for hire, formal demands and routines for establishing a legal employment relationship should be kept to a minimum. Unnecessary bureaucracy both breeds a sense of alienation, reducing incentives for participation, and poses practical obstacles that some employers and employees will not find it worthwhile to overcome. Instead, they will refrain from participation in the common project. The system of tutors seems a good practice.

Entering the formal economy as an entrepreneur should be attractive in economic terms and not be hindered by bureaucratic obstacles.

Simple new legal forms, like the German Me-Inc. In new Member States and candidate countries, there is a high correlation between the extent of undeclared work and the average income level: Therefore, in the less advanced of the new Member States and candidate countries, efforts should be targeted at state 39 formation, development of democratic institutions and stabilization of the general socio-economic situation.

Policy targeted towards undeclared work is of later concern. However, there are other factors to be seriously considered, namely cultural traditions, which in certain countries may keep undeclared work at a relatively high level in a long-term perspective, independent of institutional regulations or economic success.

In such cases it would be misleading to expect quick results from any policy mix, introduced on the national or international level. Among cultural factors in the new Member States and candidate countries there are those resulting from the recent socialist past and those which have deeper roots in history. The former are easier to overcome. Together with economic reforms and institutional changes they clearly belong to the temporary effects of transition.

The latter are more stable and are more difficult to combat even if policies to combat them will eventually be introduced. For the new Member States, extra measures may be needed. Promoting foreign investments, trade and other forms of closer integration into the remaining EU are expected to have a positive effect. This should be a double-sided process: For that matter, one should be mindful of sensitivities that stem from the socialist period viz.

In order to compare the various countries and their informal economies, a common definition must be applied in the Member States of the Union. In addition, there is a need for common methods of data collection.

It is our opinion that the Union should recommend countries to gather data using a combination of methods, but we want to underline the importance of direct methods. This paves the way for stable and effective use of resources. Very little empirical data is available on the position of women in undeclared work. This makes it hard to formulate policy recommendations on this topic and there is a clear need for more research in this area.

La bibliographie figure en annexe. Les questions concordent avec les questions 10 Mateman, S. Undeclared labour in Europa: Towards an integrated approach of combating undeclared labour.

En voici quelques exemples: Pays-Bas Portugal 2 5 n. Dans de tels cas, les organisations internationales fondent leurs mesures sur des indicateurs indirects. Notre sommaire en cite quelques-uns. Le foyer paie avec les bons. Dynamisme du secteur des emplois familiaux en Ces derniers seraient les piliers de la transformation.

Bereits im Jahre führte die Europäische Kommission eine Debatte über die Gründe und Folgen der Schwarzarbeit innerhalb der Mitgliedsstaaten sowie über mögliche Vorgehensweisen, um diesem Phänomen zu begegnen. Zu diesem Zweck hat die Kommission den Organisationsplan Schwarzarbeit herausgegeben. Nach diesem Organisationsplan wurde unter der Autorität der Kommission eine Studie bezüglich der gegen Schwarzarbeit einzusetzenden Vorgehensweisen durchgeführt Die Studie hebt die Bedeutung kombinierter unterschiedlicher Vorgehensweisen im Kampf gegen die Schwarzarbeit hervor: Der Bericht wurde im Februar vorgelegt.

Im Mittelpunkt steht, dass von den Mitgliedsstaaten folgendes erwartet wird: Schwarzarbeit in den Bewerberländern und ihre Auswirkung auf den Arbeitsmarkt 3. Umfang der verschiedenen Arten der Schwarzarbeit 4. Feststellung der bewährten Praxis sowie der Weise, wie das Vorgehen mit dem Ziel, Schwarzarbeit in offizielle Beschäftigung umzuwandeln verbessert werden kann Diese Ziele wurden in Untersuchungsfragen umgewandelt, pro Position jeweils vier Fragengruppen.

Der zur Anwendung gebrachte Ansatz, Antworten zu den Untersuchungsfragen zu erhalten, kann anhand der folgenden wesentlichen Punkte beschrieben werden: Zum Zweck der sekundärstatistischen Auswertung wurde die Literatur sehr sorgfältig durchgearbeitet. Im Anhang findet sich eine Übersicht der zugrunde gelegten Literatur. Fragebogen zum Umfang und den Verfahren Um verlässliche und vergleichbare Informationen zur Verbreitung und Struktur der Schwarzarbeit in den einzelnen Ländern zusammenzutragen, haben wir an die Statistischen Bundesämter SB der Mitgliedsstaaten einen Fragebogen gesandt mit der Bitte, uns ihre neuesten Schätzungen zu dieser Angelegenheit anhand zu geben.

Der Fragebogen enthielt auch die Frage der Umsetzung der Schwarzarbeit in zusätzliche gemeldete Arbeit. Jeder von ihnen hat anhand der ihnen von uns zugesandten Fragen eine Länderstudie erstellt. Die Fragen decken sich mit denjenigen unter obiger Überschrift 2. Diese Experten legten uns die neuesten und relevantesten Daten bezüglich der Schwarzarbeit in ihrem jeweiligen Land vor.

Seminar Im Anschluss an die Länderstudien wurde ein Seminar abgehalten, in dem die wesentlichen Vorhab-Schlussfolgerungen mit den Experten der verschiedenen Länder diskutiert wurden, EC, Eurostat und weiteren einschlägigen Untersuchungsexperten.

Die in den verschiedenen Sprachen verwendeten Begriffe sind ähnlich. Leider findet sich beinahe die gleiche Anzahl Beschreibungen des Phänomens auch in der Literatur.

Viele dieser Beschreibungen unterscheiden sich in den verwendeten Beschreibungselementen Arbeit, Aktivitäten, bezahlte Arbeitsleistung etc oder in den verwendeten Unterscheidungskriterien, mit dem Schwergewicht einmal auf rechtlichen Aspekten, ein anderes Mal auf statistischen Aspekten, dann wiederum auf steuerlichen Aspekten. Die Realität ist jedoch komplizierter. Im Zuge der Analyse waren wir gezwungen, die verschiedenen Ansätze zur Frage der informellen Schwarzarbeit.

Diese Ansätze waren selten ähnlich, sondern in mehreren Details tendenziell unterschiedlich. Aufgrund ihrer Natur — der Tatsache, dass sie nicht beobachtet oder erfasst wird — sind verlässliche Schätzungen nur sehr schwer zu erreichen.

Häufig kommen indirekte Methoden zum Einsatz, insbesondere monetäre Verfahren, bei denen zum Beispiel die Entwicklung des Verhältnisses zwischen Bargeldeinlagen und täglich fälligem Geld als Indikator für das Bestehen und die Entwicklung einer informellen Wirtschaft dient. Ein weiteres kürzlich in mehreren Ländern verwendetes Verfahren ist die erwerbsstatistische Methode. Dabei werden Informationen auf der Bedienungsseite des Arbeitsmarktes — beispielsweise den Erhebungen der Beschäftigungszahlen entnommen — und mit den Informationen auf der Bedarfsseite — z.

Eurostat erachtet diese Methode für nützlich zur Erreichung erschöpfender nationaler Ergebnisse, verbindet mit ihr jedoch gleichzeitig eine Reihe von Gefahren bei dem Versuch, den Umfang der Schwarzarbeit in puncto Arbeitseinheiten zu bewerten. Eine dritte Möglichkeit der Bewertung basiert auf der ökonometrischen Modellbildung.

Mit der Verwendung bestimmter Indikatoren eines nicht deklarierten Teils der Wirtschaft und einer Gruppe angenommener bestimmender Faktoren Gründe , wird durch die Modellbildung ein Hinweis auf den Umfang erreicht. Während des im Zuge dieser Studie durchgeführten Seminars waren sich die Experten darüber einig, dass den direkten Methoden für das Studium der Schwarzarbeit der Vorzug zu geben ist. Untersuchungen dieser Art wurden bisher eher selten durchgeführt. Der wichtigste Grund dafür scheint, abgesehen von technischen und organisatorischen Gründen, in der Furcht begründet zu sein, falsche Antworten zu erhalten: Kürzlich wurden vielversprechende Resultate in international vergleichbaren direkten Erhebungen erzielt.

Vor diesem Hintergrund haben wir Informationen der Statistischen Bundesämter der verschiedenen Länder mit den Ergebnissen aus der von Pedersen in fünf europäischen Ländern20 durchgeführten Studie kombiniert, um einen Überblick über die Verbreitung der Schwarzarbeit in den Mitgliedsstaaten der EU15 zu erlangen. Unsere Ergebnisse sind hier kurz zusammengefasst: Luxem burg Niederlande 2 Portugal 5 Spanien n. Schweden 3 GB 2 Es ist sehr bedauerlich, dass es keine Möglichkeit gab, voll vergleichbare internationale Daten zur Verbreitung der Schwarzarbeit zu erhalten.

Ausnahmen von dieser Regel finden sich in den südeuropäischen Ländern, wie Italien und Griechenland. Die Tatsache, dass Mitgliedsländer bei der Bewertung der Schwarzarbeit wenig tun, bedeutet auch, dass nur wenige Länder sich über die genaue Definition der Schwarzarbeit oder informellen 20 Pedersen, S.

Betrachten wir die Beteiligung an der informellen Wirtschaft, stellen wir fest, dass diese von Männern dominiert wird, die häufig auch reguläre Beschäftigungsverhältnisse unterhalten, in der Regel gut ausgebildet sind und zu der dynamischen Altersgruppe zwischen 25 und 45 Jahren gehören. Diese Gruppe findet im informellen Arbeitsmarkt eine bessere Position.

Andere, wie Frauen, Studenten und Arbeitslose übernehmen die schlechteren Positionen, verdienen weniger und arbeiten länger in weniger attraktiven Jobs. Neben diesen beiden Sektoren wird Schwarzarbeit am häufigsten im Hotel- und Gastronomiebereich angetroffen und, obgleich von Pedersen nicht erwähnt, im privaten und häuslichen Bereich. Es gibt keine allgemeingültigen, universellen Gründe für die Existenz und Entwicklung der Schwarzarbeit.

Sie stellt eine komplexe Verzahnung zwischen verschiedenen Variablen dar, die sich in den einzelnen Ländern unterschiedlich darstellen und zu den informellen Wirtschaften führen. Abgesehen von wirtschaftlichen Gründen, wie steuerliche Lasten oder Unbeweglichkeit in den Märkten spielt das Vertrauen in die und Qualität der Regierung eine wesentliche Rolle.

Als Reaktion auf die Beschäftigungsleitlinie Nr. In einigen Ländern wird auch die Starrheit des Arbeitsmarktes bekämpft. In den meisten Ländern erfolgen strengere Kontrollen, sei es mit Hilfe der Errichtung neuer Kontrollbehörden oder durch Befugniserweiterung für die Arbeit der bestehenden Behörden.

In wenigen Ländern, wie Belgien und Deutschland, wurden vollständig neue institutionelle Vereinbarungen entwickelt, um die Gründe für die Schwarzarbeit in einigen Sektoren der Wirtschaft, wie persönlicher und häuslicher Bereich, an der Wurzel zu packen.

Unter der zentralistischen Wirtschaft gab es diese in den meisten dieser Länder auch schon, obgleich der Anteil an der Wirtschaft unterschiedlich war.

Viele Formen der informellen Arbeit wurden als normal betrachtet, d. Dennoch wurden einige Aktivitäten als informeller wahrgenommen nicht angemeldete medizinische Dienste, Unterrichtung von künftigen Studenten. Vor dem Hintergrund der unflexiblen zentralistischen Wirtschaft und des Mangels an Dienstleistungen wurden sie als unvermeidbar und sogar nützlich gerechtfertigt in den kapitalistischen Wirtschaften werden diese Nischen häufig von kleinen Unternehmen und EinmannFirmen belegt.

Strafen für diejenigen, die ins Netz gingen, waren in der Regel nicht sehr hoch. Zur gleichen Zeit, als die Zentralplanung und die unterdrückten Geschäftsaktivitäten in allen sozialistischen Wirtschaften gang und gäbe war, bestanden klare Unterschiede zwischen den Regimen bezüglich ihrer Haltung gegenüber der Schwarzarbeit. In der Tschechoslowakei war die Gesetzgebung bezüglich privater Firmen sehr streng, die Strafen waren hoch. Folglich war zu sozialistischen Zeiten die informelle Wirtschaft recht klein sie lag z.

Dagegen tolerierten Polen und Ungarn einen privaten Sektor im Einklang mit dem Gesetz, wodurch die bereits seit langem bestehende Tradition des privaten Unternehmertums unterstützt wurde. Selbst in den Ländern, in denen der Umfang des informellen Sektors während des Sozialismus im Vergleich mit dem heute herrschenden Niveau unbedeutend war, es hat ihn gegeben, konzentriert auf einige Bereiche, wie Leistungen im häuslichen Bereich oder im Bau.

Damit ist für die Experten aus diesen Ländern ebenfalls eine Grundlage gegeben zu sagen, dass sich unter dem Sozialismus die Schwarzarbeit ausgebreitet hat und zu einem integralen Bestandteil der wirtschaftlichen Kultur wurde. In einigen Fällen schwanken sie sehr stark. Die Skala der Schätzungen in den Ländern, in denen der Anteil an der informellen Industrie höher liegt, ist dort deutlich breiter, wo die nationale Regierung klein klares Bild davon hat, was in diesem Sektor passiert und somit keine korrekten Statistiken liefern kann.

In diesen Fällen bauen die internationalen Organisationen ihre Bewertungen auf indirekten Indikatoren auf. Nachteil dabei ist, dass die Klassifikationsgrenzen weniger klar sind. Darüber hinaus ändert sich die laufende Übergangssituation recht schnell, so dass über einen längeren Zeitraum nicht mit stabilen Werten zu rechnen ist. In der Slowakei hat sich der Anteil der Schwarzarbeit stabilisiert, seit kurzem zeichnet sich ein Abwärtstrend ab, während in der Tschechischen Republik und in Estland die Schwarzarbeit 68 seit Mitte der 90er Jahre abgenommen hat.

Die ersten drei Länder sind dafür bekannt, dass sie eine lange und tief verwurzelte Tradition in informeller Wirtschaft haben. Lettland und Litauen sind aus der früheren UdSSR hervorgegangen und haben Reformen folglich langsamer eingeführt als viele ihrer mittel- und osteuropäischen Nachbarn.

Sie haben eine tiefer verwurzelte Bürokratie nach sowjetischem Vorbild, und die wirtschaftliche Struktur hinkt nach. Zu dieser Gruppe gehören Bulgarien und Rumänien, in denen die informelle Wirtschaft eine lange Tradition hat und der Staat noch zu schwach oder nicht willens ist, diese zu bekämpfen.

Anfang der 90er Jahre befanden sich alle der Übergangswirtschaften in einer wirtschaftlich rezessiven Phase, die innerhalb der CEE von einer stetigen Erholung abgelöst wurde anders als in den meisten aus der UdSSR hervorgegangenen Ländern im Osten. In den meisten neuen Mitgliedsstaaten nimmt der Anteil der Schwarzarbeit seit Mitte der 90er Jahre ab, wobei diese Reduzierung mit einer Verzögerung um ein paar Jahre nach dem Wendepunkt der wirtschaftlichen Tendenzen eintrat.

In Polen zeigt sich nach einem Rückgang seit in den letzten zwei Jahren ein Anstieg des Anteils der Schwarzarbeit. Die Gründe dafür liegen in den deutlich gestiegenen Arbeitslosenzahlen.

Der Unterschied besteht in dem Anteil, den diese 69 Bereiche zeigen, sowie in den ihre Entwicklung begünstigenden Prozesse. Diese Form der Schwarzarbeit besteht in praktisch allen Ländern der CEE, sie scheint jedoch in Ländern mit niedrigerem wirtschaftlichem Entwicklungsniveau, die in einer frühen Übergangsphase stecken, am stärksten verbreitet zu sein.

Beispielsweise haben sich in der Tschechischen Republik oder in Estland, in denen sich die Rechtskultur recht schnell entwickelt, die Lohntütengehälter nur noch in bestimmten Sektoren der Wirtschaft gehalten Hotel, Gastronomie, kleine Einzelhandelsbetriebe , und sie nehmen weiter ab.

In Ländern mit einem niedrigeren Pro-Kopf-BIP Bruttoinlandsprodukt und einer weniger entwickelten Geschäftskultur scheinen Lohntütengehälter beliebter zu sein, da sie der leichteste Weg zur Vermeidung von Steuern sind. In Litauen dominiert die Erklärung niedrigerer Zahlen nicht die Nichtangabe! In Bulgarien und Rumänien ist dies ebenfalls eine wohl bekannte Praktik in allen Wirtschaftsbereichen.

Dies hat Befürchtungen Vorschub geleistet, dass die Unterdrückung informeller Aktivitäten negative Auswirkungen auf den privaten Firmensektor haben könnten. Für viele dieser Unternehmen ist dies eine Überlebensstrategie und wird als temporäres Arrangement zu Zeiten des instabilen Übergangs betrachtet, um dazu beizutragen, gut ausgebildetes Personal zu halten. Gesellschaftlich-wirtschaftliche Faktoren werden in der Regel weniger häufig als die institutionellen und sozialen Faktoren genannt und beinhalten folgende Punkte: Auf diesen Faktor wird von den estnischen, ungarischen und bulgarischen Experten ausdrücklich hingewiesen wobei zu beachten ist, dass alle drei Ländertypen vertreten sind , er funktioniert jedoch in jedem Fall auf die gleiche Weise wie in anderen Ländern.

Institutionelle Faktoren nehmen den wichtigsten Platz unter den Faktoren ein, mit denen die Schwarzarbeit innerhalb der CEE erklärt wird. Zu den am häufigsten erwähnten zählen: Die wesentlichsten Elemente der sozialistischen Wirtschaftskultur werden wie folgt beschrieben: Wie im Fall der Verwaltungspraktiken reichen die Traditionen der informellen Wirtschaft nicht nur in den Sozialismus zurück, sondern sicherlich auch noch in die prä-sozialistische Zeit.

Zu den langfristigen historischen Faktoren dieser prä-sozialistischen Tradition gehören: Hier soll Stärke nicht im Sinne straffer Zügel verstanden werden, sondern als Fähigkeit, den sozialen Wandel wirkungsvoll und effizient durchzuführen und zu regulieren.

Eine starke politische Führung und Glaubwürdigkeit der Politiker werden als wichtige Faktoren für eine erfolgreiche Wirtschaftspolitik betrachtet. Estland ist ein positives Beispiel. In der folgenden Zusammenfassung werden einige von ihnen näher beleuchtet. Mit diesen Scheinen kann der Haushalt die von eingetragenen Firmen erbrachten Leistungen bezahlen.

Diese Firmen wiederum werben Arbeitslose an. Im Anfangsstadium können diese Verträge relativ klein und flexibel sein. Nach 6 Monaten jedoch muss die Firma einen dauerhaften Vertrag zumindest für eine Halbtagsbeschäftigung anbieten.

Die Differenz wird von der Bundesregierung an die Firma bezahlt. Die belgische Regierung hofft, bis Ende Die Sichtbarkeit wird teilweise durch Informationskampagnen stimuliert. Eine der Kampagnen zielte direkt auf junge Leute ab. Informationen zu den Risiken, sich nicht am sozialen Sicherungssystem zu beteiligen, wurden über kostenlose Informationen an Berufsschulen gegeben und über Medienkampagnen vermittelt.

Eine im Anschluss an diese Kampagnen durchgeführte Abstimmung zeigte, dass sich in der Tat eine Änderung in der Haltung der Gruppe junger Leute vollzogen hatte. Mit einem CES kann jeder im Rahmen des Gesetzes eine Person im Haushalt beschäftigen, ohne die umfangreichen verwaltungstechnischen Abläufe und Arbeitsverträge berücksichtigen zu müssen, indem ihr oder sein Gehalt mit den Schecks bezahlt wird, die bei der Bank vor Ort gekauft werden können.

In diesem Sinn hat der CES die Schwarzmarktbeschäftigung dadurch erfolgreich legalisiert, dass die Dienstleistungsschecks für viele neue Nutzer attraktiv gemacht wurden. In den 90er Jahren wurde diese als Form billiger Beschäftigungsverhältnisse immer beliebter. Bis zum Jahr waren die geringfügigen Beschäftigungsverhältnisse bis zu einem bestimmten Einkommensniveau erlaubt, damals DM ,-- bei einer wöchentlichen Arbeitsstundenzahl von Diese Summe unterlag keinerlei Zahlung von Sozialversicherung, weder seitens der Arbeitgeber noch der Arbeitnehmer.

Diese geringfügigen Beschäftigungsverhältnisse konnten mit einem normalen Beschäftigungsverhältnis kombiniert werden und waren immer noch steuer- und sozialabgabenfrei. Dabei handelte es sich um eine recht liberale Regelung, die auf Seiten der Beschäftigten, Studenten und Rentnern kleine Arbeitsverhältnisse und den bereits über die Krankenversicherung der Familie über den Haupterwerbstätigen Partner abgedeckten Ehegatten ein kleines Mehreinkommen ermöglichte.

Während der 90er Jahre stieg die Zahl der geringfügigen Beschäftigungsverhältnisse dramatisch an und entwickelte sich zu einem signifikanten Teil des Arbeitsmarkts. Dieses Anwachsen der geringfügigen Beschäftigungsverhältnisse stellte für die Finanzgrundlage des Sozialversicherungssystems, insbesondere der Renten und Krankenversicherung eine Bedrohung dar.

Darüber hinaus befürchteten die Gewerkschaften den Verlust der regulären Beschäftigungsverhältnisse zu Gunsten der geringfügigen Beschäftigungsverhältnisse. Vor diesem Hintergrund hat im Jahre die Regierung das Schema der geringfügigen Beschäftigungsverhältnisse etwas reformiert, mit dem Ziel, ihre weitere Ausbreitung einzudämmen.

Eine wesentliche 76 Veränderung im Rahmen dieser Reform war die Aufhebung der Arbeitszeitbegrenzung von 15 Stunden pro Woche, wodurch wahrscheinlich die Flexibilität der Arbeitgeber erhöht wird, jedoch auch ein de facto-Mindestgehalt. Geringfügige Beschäftigungsverhältnisse im Haushaltsbereich Der Grund für die Einführung der geringfügigen Beschäftigungsverhältnisse im Haushalt war insbesondere der, die Schwarzarbeit im Haushalt zu bekämpfen.

Darüber hinaus kann der Arbeitgeber einen bestimmten Betrag des gezahlten Steuerbetrags in Abzug bringen Dienstmädchenprivileg. Dabei steigen die Beiträge zur Sozialversicherung für den Beschäftigten stufenweise von ca.

Neben dem Zentralkomitee wurden regionale und Provinz-Komitees mit der Aufgabe eingesetzt, die lokalen Situationen zu analysieren, Vereinbarungen zu fördern und für den Abschluss von Regulierungsvereinbarungen Unterstützung zu leisten.

Jedes regionale Komitee verfügt über 15 Mitglieder, von denen sieben von der öffentlichen Verwaltung und acht von den Sozialpartnern gemeinsam ernannt wurden. Diese Fachbegleiter sind unabhängige Spezialisten mit Fachwissen in sozialwirtschaftlichen Bereichen, beispielsweise Rechtsanwälte oder Wirtschaftswissenschaftler mit exzellenter Kenntnis der Wirtschaft und der Arbeitsmarktsituation in einer Region. Das nationale Komitee bedient sich ihrer Dienste auf freiberuflicher Basis.

Ihre Hauptaufgabe ist die Unterstützung bei der Entwicklung des regionalen Regulierungsprozesses, indem sie denjenigen Firmen Hilfestellung leisten, die 77 Regelwidrigkeiten hinter sich lassen und an die Oberfläche kommen möchten. Insbesondere in den neuen Mitgliedsstaaten und in den Bewerberländern dieser Studie liegt der Anteil der Frauen mit höheren Ausbildungsniveau höher.

Frauen werden häufig in Bereichen angetroffen, in denen ein hoher Anteil an traditionellen Frauentätigkeiten angetroffen wird. Schwarz beschäftigte Frauen werden im Service-Bereich angetroffen Personendienstleistung, Pflege , im Hotel- und Gastronomiebereich, in der Gesundheit, Bildung, in der kommerziellen Reinigung etc. In den gut bekannten Bereichen der Schwarzarbeit, wie Bau und Reparatur finden sich nur wenige Frauen. Die Arbeitsbedingungen der Frauen in der informellen Wirtschaft sind überall weniger günstig als die der Männer.

Frauen arbeiten in weniger autonomen Jobs, verdienen weniger und haben die informelle Arbeitsstelle tendenziell aus einer wirtschaftlichen Notwendigkeit heraus, anders als die Männer, die zusätzliches Geld verdienen. In einer Studie für die EG verknüpft Dr. In den gleichheitsbezogenen sozialdemokratischen Wohlfahrtsregimen gibt es dank der staatlichen Bereitstellung für die FrauenSchwarzarbeit im Haushalt weder eine Kultur noch einen Bedarf.

In den konservativen Wohlfahrtsstaaten, wie im früheren Westdeutschland führte die Kultur und der Bedarf an Arbeitskräften im Haushalt to einem beträchtlichen Wachstum der Schwarzarbeit im Haushaltsbereich. Leider gibt es im Augenblick nur wenig empirische Erkenntnis über den Anteil der Frauen an der informellen Wirtschaft.

Sie sind von Land zu Land unterschiedlich. Folglich sollten auch die in den einzelnen Ländern zum Einsatz kommenden Ansätze unterschiedliche sein.

Die Politik sollte kraftvoll sein: Sie sollte vielmehr ein breites Spektrum an Werkzeugen und Modellen beinhalten, die je nach Situation und Umständen eingesetzt werden können.

Ein Schlüsselelement in der Vorgehensweise gegen die Schwarzarbeit sowohl in den alten als auch in den neuen Mitgliedsstaaten sollte die Stärkung des Vertrauens in die Regierung und die Regierungsinstitutionen sein. Dies muss auf der Grundlage langfristig angelegter Anstrengungen erfolgen, mit denen die Moral de Gemeinschaft und das Vertrauen in die öffentlichen Institutionen gestärkt werden. Eine in einem Code niedergelegte Zusammenfassung des ethischen Verhaltens und einer Verhaltensordnung, die klar definierte und konkrete Richtlinien enthält, sollte für die Beschäftigten in der öffentlichen Verwaltung und in den staatlichen Firmen erstellt werden.

Darüber hinaus ist es auch von erheblicher Bedeutung, dass die EU in enger Absprache mit den Sozialpartnern die Entwicklung eines ähnlichen Ethik-Codes für den privaten Sektor vorantreibt. Bezüglich der Informationskampagnen sollten diese den nationalen und sogar regionalen Umständen angepasst werden, mit dem Ziel, das Vertrauen der Öffentlichkeit in die Finanzierung der Fürsorgesysteme sowie in die Verpflichtung derselben zu steigern.

In den neuen Ländern sollten die Kampagnen besonders auf die jüngere Bevölkerung gerichtet sein. Sie sollten die Grundpfeiler für den Wandel sein. Die Anreize für die Umwandlung von Schwarzarbeit in offizielle Beschäftigungsverhältnisse sollten verbessert werden. Der freiwillige Wechsel der Schwarzarbeiter in gesetzlich korrekte Arbeitnehmer sollte attraktiv sein und weder ein Risiko darstellen noch Kosten verursachen.

Einzelpersonen und Firmen kann über einen bestimmten Zeitraum eine Art Amnestie gewährt werden, in dem ihnen die Eingliederung in die formelle Wirtschaft ohne die Gewahr von Strafen angeboten wird. Die Verbindung zwischen Steuern und Vorteilen muss deutlich gemacht werden.

Die Mitgliedsstaaten sollten diese Verbindung klarstellen, damit die Bürger — was die Leistungen betrifft — den Nutzen des als Steuern bezahlten Geldes schnell und mühelos begreifen. Ein Beispiel ist die Entwicklung eines Rentensystems, bei dem eine klare Beziehung zwischen dem verdienten Geld und des Erwerbs von Rentenansprüchen besteht, wie in den meisten westeuropäischen Ländern. Die Beteiligung muss einfach sein.

Soll eine Person beschäftigt werden, sollten die formalen Anforderungen und Abläufe für die Errichtung eines rechtlichen Beschäftigungsverhältnisses so gering wie möglich gehalten werden. Unnötige Bürokratie führt zu Entfremdung, Reduzierung der Anreize zur Beteiligung und stellt reale Hindernisse auf, deren Überwindung einige Arbeitgeber und Arbeitnehmer nicht für wert erachten. Sie werden vielmehr von einer Beteiligung an dem gemeinsamen Projekt Abstand nehmen. Wie in dem vorher erwähnten Beispiel Italiens, kann in den Mitgliedsstaaten und in den Bewerberländern eine Organisation installiert werden, die Kleinfirmen aus ihrer informellen Wirtschaft heraushelfen.

Das System der Spezialisten scheint eine gute Praktik zu sein. Die Beteiligung an der formellen Wirtschaft sollte für einen Unternehmer wirtschaftlich attraktiv sein und nicht durch bürokratische Hindernisse beeinträchtigt werden.

Einfache neue Rechtsformen, wie die deutsche Ich-Firma, kann hier einen Anreiz bilden. Aus diesem Grund sollten in den diesbezüglich weniger entwickelten neuen Mitgliedsländern und Bewerberländern die Anstrengungen auf die Gestaltung des Staates, die Entwicklung demokratischer Institutionen sowie die Stabilisierung der allgemeinen sozialwirtschaftlichen Situation ausgerichtet sein. Eine auf die Schwarzarbeit ausgerichtete Politik kann später hinzukommen. Es sind jedoch weitere Faktoren ernsthaft in Betracht zu ziehen, und zwar die kulturellen Traditionen, die in bestimmten Ländern den Anteil der Schwarzarbeit langfristig auf relativ hohem 80 Niveau halten könnten, und zwar ungeachtet der institutionellen Regulierungen oder des wirtschaftlichen Erfolgs.

In solchen Fällen wäre es irreführend, schnelle Ergebnisse von irgendeinem Politikmix zu erwarten, der auf nationaler oder internationaler Ebene eingeführt wird. Zu den kulturellen Faktoren in den neuen Mitgliedsstaaten und Bewerberländern gehören diejenigen, die aus der vorherigen sozialistischen Vergangenheit herrühren, sowie diejenigen, die in der zurückliegenden Geschichte wurzeln.

Die erstgenannten sind leichter zu meistern. Zusammen mit den Wirtschaftsreformen und institutionellen Änderungen gehören sie eindeutig zu den temporären Auswirkungen des Übergangs. Dies sollte ein zweiseitiger Prozess sein: Förderung der westlichen Länder, diese durchzuführen, und Stimulierung der osteuropäischen Regierungen, diese zu ermutigen. Was dies betrifft, müssen die aus der sozialistischen Periode stammenden Empfindlichkeiten in Betracht gezogen werden z.

Um die verschiedenen Länder und ihre informellen Wirtschaften zu vergleichen, muss eine gemeinsame Definition innerhalb der Mitgliedsstaaten der Union angewandt werden.

Darüber hinaus müssen gemeinsame Verfahren der Datensammlung erstellt werden. Wir sind der Meinung, dass die Union den Ländern empfehlen sollte, mit Hilfe kombinierter Verfahren Daten zu sammeln, wir möchten jedoch die Bedeutung direkter Methoden unterstreichen. Das ebnet den Weg für die stabile und effektive Nutzung der Ressourcen. Auf diesem Gebiet ist eindeutig mehr Forschungsarbeit zu leisten. For this purpose, the Commission issued the Communication21 on Undeclared Work.

Following the Communication, under the authority of the Commission, research was conducted into policies towards undeclared work The study stresses the importance of a policy mix to combat undeclared work. A good mix consists of both preventive actions and sanctions. The report was presented in February of The Commission stresses the necessity of policy aiming at transforming undeclared work into regular employment. The importance of this study was underlined by the new Employment Guidelines From four pillars and fifteen guidelines, the EC moved to ten specific guidelines.

The ninth guideline was directed exclusively at undeclared work. Member States are committed to: Renooy , Undeclared labour in Europe: Undeclared work was recognised as a problem for all Member States.

During the Council meeting of October 20, , Member States committed themselves through a Council Resolution stressing the need for preventive actions and sanctions aimed at eliminating undeclared work, as well as the need to measure the extent of the problem and the progress achieved in combating.

To support policy towards undeclared work, the study we present here sheds more light on several issues relevant to the matter of undeclared work. The statistical definition, measurement and estimates on the size of undeclared work in the EU and Member States 2.

Undeclared work in the new Member States and candidate countries and the impact on the labour market 3. The identification of good practice and how to improve policy to transform undeclared work to formal employment These goals were then translated into research questions — four sets of questions for each item.

Questions on definition, size and measurement: Which definitions can be given? And what do these definitions cover? Which methods are used to measure the volume of undeclared work? What are the strong points and weaker points of the various methods of measurement? Which estimates are most reliable? What are the criteria used to test reliability? What are the estimates for the size of undeclared work in Member States?

Can this information on size be translated into estimates of additional employment? To what extent is undeclared work covered by standard labour force surveys and other employment surveys? In the description of the phenomenon undeclared work the focus can be on several aspects. Some emphasize the elements of description, like labour, activities or transactions. Others focus on the different criteria to classify these elements.

The answers to the first two research questions cover these items; after answering them, a choice between one or several definitions can be argued. Just like the variety in definitions, a wide array of methods to measure undeclared work can be distinguished.

The volume of undeclared work is measured with direct methods — like surveys — or through indirect methods — often through economic modelling. These methods are discussed in the present study, and their respective strengths and weaknesses are described, taking good notice of the recent OECD study on the measurement of the non-observed economy.

Questions on the new Member States and candidate countries For the new Member States and candidate countries, the following research questions were emphasized in our study: How is undeclared work described in the various new Member States and candidate countries?

What are the success factors? The first question refers to the same conceptual items as discussed above 1. When discussing the characteristics, we have focused on participants, sectors of the economy, size and structure, regional differences and culture.

In answering the question on factors that explain existence and development, many aspects were studied — not economical factors alone. We have also been looking for knowledge on how undeclared work is likely to develop in the countries of central and eastern Europe CEE in the near future, given a set of factors that influence this development Is it stable? And, in line with these observations, we investigated which policies the various countries implement when it comes to undeclared work.

The gender dimension contains the question of the role of women in undeclared work across countries, how big their participation rate is, what they do, what their position is, etc.. Questions on the gender dimension The productive work of women is also often excluded from national employment and income statistics because these activities are often unpaid or unregistered. This has resulted in serious under-estimation of the contribution of women to development and society.

We have posed the following questions: What kind of activities do women do when engaged in undeclared work? In which sectors and what occupations? What are their general working conditions? Does the role and position of women in undeclared work differ between countries? If so, what are these differences a result of? What is the economic position of women in undeclared work?

Does undeclared work offer women possibilities for empowerment? How can the position of women be improved? Which constraints and opportunities can be distinguished? The division of labour between men and women depends on the socio-economic and cultural context. One way of analysing it is to differentiate between productive and reproductive tasks.

Productive tasks refer to work undertaken by either men or women of a household to produce goods and services for marketing, as well as for the processing of primary products. Such productive tasks can be based at the workplace or at home, and can be formally or informally organized.

Whether or 85 not these tasks can be labelled undeclared work depends on the angle from which the topic is studied or on statistical conventions on the matter. More or less the same goes for reproductive tasks. Reproductive tasks refer to child-bearing and the different activities carried out in caring for household members and the community, such as food preparation, child care, education and health care.

These activities are usually unpaid and excluded from national employment and income statistics because they are viewed as activities with non-measurable economic value. In our study we focus on productive tasks; however certain reproductive tasks are also included, since several of them are recently transformed into "work", like childcare. In studying the gender question, we differentiate between: Questions on good practices 4. Which successful policies mixes are developed to strengthen the position of women in undeclared work?

Which successful policies mixes are developed to combat undeclared work in general? To what extent can these policies be applied in other contexts other countries, other regions? What are the preconditions? The three major themes of the study are also reflected in these questions: We sought good practices in the EU15 Member States, for they were expected to have implemented policy on undeclared work since several years now.

In practice, however, not all questions could be answered due to lack of policy on the issue. The main lines of our approach were: This literature offered us insight in the issues on definition, size and methods of measurement first research question. To this end, an extensive literature scan was done. An overview of the literature used can be found in the appendices. The desk research was used for: The questionnaire also raised the issue of transforming undeclared work into additional formal labour.

A second round of questions addressed to the officials engaged in Labour Market Surveys also yielded no response.

This meant that for the purpose of gaining knowledge on the extent of undeclared work, we had to turn to other sources of information. We found this in the empirical study by Pedersen In chapter 4, we elaborate this issue. Country studies In order to find answers to the questions concerning undeclared work in the new Member States, we set up a network of experts in the central and eastern European countries concerned.

Each of them wrote a country study, following a line of questioning we provided. The questions correspond with those under heading 2 above. These experts for a listing, see appendix provided us with the most recent and relevant material concerning undeclared work in their respective countries.

Following the country studies and the major part of the desk research, an intermediate report was drawn up. This report served as input for discussion in a seminar with all the national experts and a selected group of international experts.

Seminar At the seminar, particular emphasis was put on: The report provided answers to the questions posed and gave initial recommendations. The draft was discussed at a seminar with experts, policy makers, social partners and EU representatives24, during which the general results of the report were presented. A major aim of the seminar was to identify which policies can be deployed under which circumstances different economies, different cultures.

Chapter 2 contains a conceptual discussion on the description of undeclared work and the informal economy. The methods of measuring are the subject of chapter 3.

In chapter 4, we present the findings from the EU15 countries, including figures on the volume of undeclared work. Chapter 5 turns to the situation in the new Member States and candidate countries. It contains a descriptive part as well as a consolidating and analysing part.

In chapter 6, we describe policies in several countries that could be characterised as good practices. Gender is the subject of chapter 7. Finally, concluding recommendations are drawn up in chapter 8. In the appendices, among other things, information can be found on the questionnaires used and on the expert network in central and eastern Europe.

The concept of the informal economy originally derives from the literature on problems of developing countries. Researchers in various disciplines determined that large groups of the population in those countries were not absorbed in the modern economy.

In the economist Clifford Geertz introduced two terms for this phenomenon: The firm-centred economy was characterized by an efficient conduct of business, high productivity and the use of substantial quantities of capital and technology. In contract, the bazaar economy was characterized by low productivity, high labour but low capital intensity, low incomes and a high capacity for absorption involution. Furthermore, specific for this part of the economy was that it was not officially registered by the authorities e.

Elaborating on this dualistic model, Hart introduced the terms formal and informal in his study on the employment structure in Accra, Ghana. With the ILO report on the Kenyan economy and a series of World Bank studies in the seventies, the terms took root in the debate on economic development.

Although in this way the informal economy became a common sense notion, strict definitions were never agreed upon. The term kept its notifying function when researchers and politicians discovered that economic activities took place outside the scope and control of public authorities in the developed countries of Western Europe and the United States as well.

In the last 25 years, there has been a wide array of studies approaching the informal economy from different angles. Much attention has been given to attempts to measure the informal economy in terms of money or labour.

Economists like Gutman , Feige and Tanzi , developed more or less simple macro economic models to ascertain the size of the informal economy see chapter 3. Other studies have concentrated more on the nature of the informal economy, on causes and consequences and the place of the informal economy — and undeclared work in particular — in the economic structure. With this concept, one means that all productive activities, including those in the informal economy, are represented in the national accounts.

There should be consensus on what to include into the national accounts and which definitions should be used. In the world agreed on such a set of definitions underlying the national accounts: However, not all activities contribute to national income.

Non-productive activities do not contribute to national income. This also means that non-observed not-productive activities for example social benefit fraud do not affect the quality of national accounts.

Five so called NOE problem areas can be identified. They consist of activities that are not observed because they are either underground, in the informal sector, undertaken by households for their own final use, illegal or missed because of deficiencies in the basic data collection programme. In the framework of this study, the first three categories are most important. They can be described as follows: Underground production includes all legal production activities that are deliberately concealed from public authorities for the following reasons: Production by households for own final use consists of those productive activities that result in goods and services consumed or capitalised by the households that produce them.

It is obvious that the definition of the informal sector comes from a different angle than the other categories, viz. Since the description is based on different criteria, this category overlaps significantly with all the others.

Under this heading, a lot of effort was put into the inclusion of underground activities, tips, income in kind and white spots in observation. Statistical offices throughout Europe were obliged to do exhaustiveness exercises, which in many cases led to significant revisions of the national accounts. Kazemier provided the following figure on the relationship between the different categories. Which definition is most appropriate depends on the perspective one chooses.

From a criminal law perspective, illegal production fits best; from a tax perspective, the underground production description suits best; national accountants are best served by the use of the exhaustiveness definition. For the present study, the choice is very clearly the labour market perspective — labour is our focus. In doing so, we can include several unpaid but productive 26 activities. Moreover, from the perspective of transforming undeclared work into regular, formal labour, there is no reason to exclude unpaid productive activities.

In everyday life, many types of undeclared work can be distinguished. We therefore prefer to make a further division, which can be relevant in the analysis of the structure of undcelared labour in the various countries and the policy these countries should adopt to counter undeclared work, viz.: Semi-autonomous undeclared activities, which comprises undeclared production of goods and services for formal entities like enterprises or even public authorities.

Autonomous undeclared activities, which is the production of final goods and services directly for the consumer. One could think of the odd jobber, housecleaning, baby-sitting and so on. Domestic and communal sector, consisting of do-it-yourself activities, self service, agriculture for own use, barter and unpaid, reciprocal work. Similar names are found in other languages. Unfortunately, nearly as many varying descriptions of the phenomenon can be found in the literature.

Many of them differ in the elements of description work, activities, paid labour etc. In this study, we focus on labour as our main element, and use registration according to national requirements as the criterion for what is be understood as undeclared work. This definition is also the starting point of our analysis. During the analysis, we were forced to use the wide variety of different approaches to the question of undeclared work that was in use in the various countries.

We can distinguish several methods to measure the extent of undeclared work. They can be grouped into direct methods, indirect methods and other modelling. Most of the methods designed to measure the size of undeclared work focus on expressing it as a percentage of GDP.

Fewer methods aim at getting estimates on the size in terms of volume of labour e. In the case of research into undeclared work, this method was used in the UK by Pahl and Wallace , in the Netherlands by Renooy and in Sweden by the National Audit Office Using these techniques, it is possible to explore the characteristics of undeclared work, the motives of participants, the type of work, possible relations between sectors and so on.

What is not possible through interviews and observation is to gain a statistically representative picture of different aspects of the matter. One means of obtaining representative information on various aspects of undeclared work is to undertake large-scale representative surveys. Through face-to-face interviews, telephone or postal questionnaires, information is gathered directly from economic agents, e.

Research of this nature has been sparse. The most important reason for this, technical and organisational problems aside, appears to be the fear of obtaining incorrect answers: Viby Mogensen quotes Bateston, who states that the degree of errors in surveys depends on: With this technique, it is impossible for the interviewer 96 to know whether any given interviewee is lying or telling the truth at the moment of questioning, but through calculation of probabilities a figure on black labour, for example, can be computed.

In the Netherlands, the technique has been used several times, for instance in research into social benefit fraud and fraud with housing subsidies Van Gils Hanousek and Palda, who used these questionnaires to learn about tax evasion in the Czech and Slovak Republic , state that the survey data indeed suffer from the lies respondents tell.

However, using well thought-out interviewing techniques, the influence of the lies was minimised. Quite extensive direct surveys have recently been carried out by the Danish Rockwool Foundation Research unit.

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