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Ziel des Gesetzes ist die Förderung der Verbreitung der betrieblichen Altersvorsorge — insbesondere für kleine Unternehmen sowie Beschäftigte mit geringem Einkommen, um ein höheres Versorgungsniveau der Beschäftigten durch kapitalgedeckte Zusatzrenten zu erreichen. Mitarbeiter aus der Patientenverwaltung Seminarziel: Anhand von Beispielen soll der Bereich Auswertung, die Weiterverwertung von Auswertungsergebnissen und die Verwendung von Zusatzfunktionen erläutert werden.

Legen Sie den Grundstein für eine erfolgreiche Entgeltabrechnung! Wie erfasse ich einen neuen Personalfall? In diesem Seminar lernen Sie den einfachen Umgang mit dem Meldecockpit. In kaum einem anderen Bereich der Entgeltabrechnung ändern sich die Vorschriften so schnell wie bei der Sozialversicherung.

Hier müssen Sie als Mitarbeiter der Personalabteilung über gute Grundlagen verfügen und ständig auf dem Laufenden bleiben. Bitte beachten Sie bei der Auswahl des Seminars die verschiedenen Durchführungswege kapitalgedeckt und umlagefinanziert. The problem is that there is no objective measure for ensuring that 'necessary' outlays are met from appropriate current revenues.

The question of what responsibilities on the part of the Federation or the Länder really are necessary is a matter for political assessment and is not objectively measurable. However, since legislation relating to the distribution of the VAT tax requires the approval of the Bundesrat, the Federation and the Länder must agree. The difficulties surrounding the distribution of the VAT shares have led to a series of agreements being negotiated.

Since , the shares have been 65 per cent for the Federation and 35 per cent for the Länder. Apart from these tax sharing arrangements, the financial constitution also provides other instruments in the area of vertical fiscal balance. Article of the Basic Law sets out, firstly, the basis for the distribution of the total pool of revenue available to the Länder amongst the individual Länder horizontal tax distribution and secondly, the achievement of horizontal fiscal equalisation in a narrower sense.

Tax distribution and equalisation amongst the Länder occurs in a series of steps. In accordance with Article , three different possibilities are presented:.

The basic principle underpinning horizontal tax distribution is that tax income will be available to individual Länder in the same proportion as taxes are raised in those Länder by the taxing authorities.

This distribution on the basis of geographic revenues applies to Länder taxes and the income and corporation tax. There has to be some adjustment to the geographic basis of tax distribution in the case of corporate and PAYE income tax instalments, especially where these are paid by the central office of a company operating in several Länder.

Under separate federal legislation, it has been decided that the corporation tax may be allocated amongst Länder according to the location of the various branches while the income tax is calculated on the basis of the residence of the employee.

The Länder distribution of the VAT tax is not determined on a geographic basis. In accordance with Article para. Up to 25 per cent of the Länder component serves the purpose of providing additional allocations to the fiscally weak Länder. The current arrangements enable the fiscally weak Länder to attain up to 92 per cent of the average per capita revenues of all Länder. Following the distribution of taxation, the relative fiscal strength of the individual Länder, measured in terms of their available revenues, determines the starting point for actual horizontal equalisation.

It might be noted that on the basis of different historical and structural characteristics there are significant differences in the fiscal strengths of the individual Länder. In order that the fiscally weaker Länder can reasonably perform their responsibilities and in order to achieve the equality in living conditions guaranteed in the constitution, Article para. Note that this equalisation approach is revenue oriented only and does not take into account the special fiscal responsibilities of individual Länder.

In this respect, the philosophy of horizontal equalisation in Germany is akin to that in Canada. Neither of these countries has the full fiscal equalisation approach of Australia, which addresses both the revenue and expenditure sides of the equation. It might be further noted that the Basic Law only requires that the financial disparities amongst the Länder are 'reasonably equalised'. On the basis of current fiscal equalisation legislation, the fiscally weak Länder need only be equalised to at least 95 per cent of the average per capita revenue of all Länder.

It follows, therefore, that current equalisation arrangements only lead to an alleviation, rather than an equalisation, of fiscal situations. The German view is that this is not necessarily a bad thing, since it ensures that the Länder remain responsible for their own fiscal decisions at the margin. The system also encourages the fiscally weak Länder to seek their own fiscal solutions as well as ensuring that the capacity for other Länder to pursue their own initiatives and improve their performance is not significantly prejudiced.

In particular, the horizontal equalisation system aims to ensure that no Land is able to formulate its own budgetary policy at a cost to the Federation or to other Länder. Increasing resort to this measure has been made since the financial reforms of From the federal supplementary allocations, as set out in the Fiscal Equalisation Law Finanzausgleichsgesetz , have been 2 per cent of VAT revenue.

They have therefore grown at the same rate as VAT revenues. These allocations are paid out of the Federation share of VAT revenue. The determination of Länder eligible for federal supplementary allocations is based on their actual fiscal circumstances and include Bremen, Niedersachsen, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Rheinland-Pfalz, Saarland and Schleswig-Holstein. Bremen has been included since Since Bayern has not received any supplementary allocations.

Table 2 summarises the allocation of own taxes and shared taxes in the Federal Republic of Germany. Since Canada became a confederation in the mid s, it has had a remarkably similar history to that of Australia.

Even though the Canadian Constitution as set out in the British North America Act , also referred to as the Constitution Act as amended , and the Constitution Act is somewhat more specific about the allocation of taxation powers between the tiers of government than the Australian Constitution, the actual exercise of those powers, as in the case of Australia, has more reflected political manoeuvring between the Federal Government and the Provinces and the impact of court interpretations of Provincial taxation rights.

However, whereas these processes have acted to constrain the access of Australian States to the tax base, they have actually granted wide powers to the Canadian Provinces to levy a range of taxes.

The relative tax powers of the different tiers of government in Canada are set out in sections 91, 92 and 92A of its Constitution. Despite the apparent carte blanche provided to the Federal Government by this provision in the field of taxation, section 92 states:. In each Province the Legislature may exclusively make laws in relation to Matters coming within the Classes of Subject next hereinafter enumerated; that is to say In each Province, the legislature may make laws in relation to the raising of money by any mode or system of taxation in respect of.

To appreciate the way these constitutional provisions have influenced access to taxation sources in Canada, a short history of Canadian taxation will now be provided. As in the case of Australia, when Canada federated in the three main sources of revenue available were customs duties, excises on liquor and tobacco and property taxes. Certainly, the Provinces had been given the exclusive power to impose direct taxation within their own boundaries, but it was thought that such taxation would be unpopular and limited only to property taxation on the part of the Provinces and their municipalities.

The Federal Government did take control of the major revenue sources and, as in Australia, for quite a number of years after federation, per capita federal grants in aid accounted for more than one-half of total provincial revenues.

Again, as in Australia, the pressures on the Provinces to expand their public expenditures meant that, by the turn of the century, a number of Provinces had begun to impose new taxes on personal income and corporate income, as well as introducing estate and inheritance duties. Parallelling developments in Australia, the Canadian Federal Government began to impose its own taxes on personal and corporate income.

It also introduced a 1 per cent turnover tax, designed to assist with eliminating the federal wartime deficit. This tax was later restructured, in , to become a 6 per cent manufacturers sales tax which, in turn, was again restructured in to become a VAT-style goods and services tax.

During the s, the Provinces again expanded their tax bases and introduced new forms of taxation. By the end of this decade, seven Provinces were levying personal income tax and all but one were imposing corporate tax.

It was also during this period that the Provinces began to impose local retail sales taxes. Whilst at first sight, these might be seen to contravene the Provinces' power only to impose direct taxation within their boundaries, the legislation imposing such taxes made it clear that they were taxes on the purchasers of the goods, with the retailers simply acting as tax collecting agencies.

Whilst such semantic devices have not saved the Australian States from High Court disallowance of indirect taxation, in Canada such legislation has survived court challenges. The Provinces were also able to compete with federal excises on liquor and tobacco by establishing Province-owned retail outlets for these products so-called 'fiscal monopolies'. With the growth of private motoring at this time, the Provinces also began to impose motoring taxes and began to levy substantial taxes on petrol.

Continuing the parallels with Australia, the Provinces agreed to relinquish their use of personal and corporate taxes during World War II to enable the Federal Government to have sole access to these important bases in order to finance the war effort. In return, they began to receive 'tax rebates' reimbursements from the central government on an equal per capita basis.

These arrangements existed until , although Quebec negotiated slightly different arrangements after Quebec had established its own personal income tax system in , so in the Federal Government replaced tax rebates to the other Provinces with a system of direct tax sharing.

Under this regime, the central government returned to the Provinces, on the basis of origin, 10 per cent of federal personal income tax, 9 per cent of corporate income tax and one-half of federal estate tax collections. From onwards, there have been a series of Tax Collection Agreements negotiated between the Provinces and the Federal Government under which the Provinces set their own tax rates on personal and corporate incomes.

These taxes are collected by the central government and remitted to the Provinces. Unlike Australia, the Federal government retreated from the income taxing field to some extent to provide the Provinces with 'tax room'.

Currently, the Federal government collects personal income tax for all Provinces except Quebec, which has continued to collect its own tax. Corporate income tax is also collected for all Provinces except Ontario, Alberta and Quebec, which impose their own corporate taxes. There is some variability in the tax rates and structures levied by the various Provinces.

It is interesting to note that the Federal Government also vacated the field of estate taxation in to provide greater scope for Provincial tax raising from this base. Given the unpopularity of such taxation, very few Provinces have imposed taxes on these intergenerational transfers of property.

One further area of revenue raising is worthy of mention. The Constitution provides the Provinces with the exclusive right to impose taxes on resources and minerals.

This has been a substantial source of revenue to several Provinces. Interestingly, when Alberta and Saskatchewan were admitted to the Union in , the Federal Government withheld control of sub-surface mineral rights from them.

After much bickering, these rights were restored in and Alberta in particular has derived a significant amount of revenue from this source. To summarise, the Federal and Provincial Governments share the important personal and corporate income tax bases.

While the central government derives significant revenue from its goods and services tax, the Provinces also access the indirect tax base through the imposition of local retail sales taxes. Quebec has the most sophisticated indirect system since it also imposes a VAT-style tax.

As already mentioned, not only has there been significant sharing of the available tax bases except for resource taxes , but the Canadian Government has increasingly made tax room for the Provinces. In , Federal revenues were 63 per cent of all government revenues.

By , this proportion had fallen to 45 per cent. In , total provincial own revenues were equivalent to 34 per cent of federal own revenues. By this ratio was 91 per cent.

These ratios have largely persisted since then. Federal own outlays, by comparison, are around 40 per cent of total government outlays. As a result, the question of vertical fiscal imbalance is not a major debating point in Canada. It might be noted that, parallel with this development, federal grants to the Provinces have become less generous but also less tied. In fact, the specific purpose grants system is so flexible that any Province may opt out of a particular program but still receive compensation from the Federal government.

Currently, however, only Quebec opts out of federal programs for health, education and, in part, welfare. As with the Federal Republic of Germany, the principle of horizontal fiscal equalisation is enshrined in the Canadian Constitution.

In Canada, therefore, equalisation payments take the form of payments from the central government to the Provinces. However, such a process did not begin until , when they were incorporated in the tax sharing grants system operating at that time. The basis on which horizontal equalisation has operated has been quite variable over the past forty years. Certainly, equalisation has only been aimed at bringing the revenue base of the fiscally weaker Provinces up to a standard relative to other, richer Provinces.

In this sense, the Canadian system is closer to the German rather than the Australian equalisation model. Canada has had to experiment with its equalisation model, both in terms of the revenue sources chosen for comparison and which Provinces should constitute the 'standard'.

When the system first began, the per capita taxes chosen for equalisation were personal and corporate income taxes, along with succession duties. The standard against which the poorer Provinces were compared were the two richest Provinces. In the s, the number of revenue sources was increased to 29, including income from resource taxation. Furthermore, the standard was taken to be the average per capita revenue raised by all Provinces. This approach caused mayhem in the s when the boom in world oil prices significantly increased the revenues of British Columbia and Alberta, increasing the disparity between the revenue raisings of the individual Provinces and creating a larger gap between the average revenues of all Provinces and those of the poorer Provinces.

Since this latter gap was the basis for Federal government equalisation, the potential increase in equalisation payments would have been enormous. So strong was this effect that even the relatively rich state of Ontario would have qualified for equalisation assistance.

Partially as a result of this, the system of equalisation currently in place involves a comparison of 33 different revenue sources. As urged by the Provinces, the new equalisation standard has become the average per capita revenue performance of five Provinces-British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario and Quebec. This five Province standard is seen to be a reflection of the 'normal' capacity to raise revenues, since the poor Provinces the Atlantic Provinces have been excluded along with the revenue rich Province of Alberta..

Federal, Provincial and Municipal Taxation in Canada, Table 3 shows the allocation of taxes in Canada. It might be noted that in the table, general sales taxes include the goods and services tax VAT of the Federal Government and Quebec as well as the retail sales taxes of the remaining Provinces.

The specific taxes component includes such revenue sources as taxes on insurance premiums, amusement and admission taxes, air transportation taxes and racetrack betting tax. The revenue derived from fiscal monopolies encompasses contributions from Provincial enterprises involved in the retailing of goods such as liquor and tobacco.

This paper has briefly examined tax assignment and horizontal equalisation in Australia, Germany and Canada. These three federations have adopted quite different philosophies and strategies in these areas. In the case of Germany, the Basic Law enshrines not only the principles of tax assignment but also the basis for horizontal equalisation. In the case of Canada, the Constitution does not specify tax assignment in any specific way, but the Canadian Government has put in place tax sharing measures which ensure that the Provinces are reasonably well resourced relative to their responsibilities, while the Constitution guarantees that horizontal equalisation shall be carried out.

The Australian Constitution does not provide any guidelines on the allocation of access to particular tax bases nor does it require fiscal equalisation. Certainly, there is quite a difference in philosophies between these countries when it comes to addressing vertical fiscal imbalance. The Canadian government has demonstrated by its actions that it is prepared to allow the Provinces to have tax room.

The German philosophy is stated quite clearly in Article of the Basic Law: These approaches may be contrasted to the position adopted in Australia by Mr Paul Keating, a Federal Treasurer for 9 years and Prime Minister for 4 years.

I have always thought that clumsy term [vertical fiscal imbalance] misleading and designed to be misleading. It assumes as a fact an interpretation which I think is extremely dubious.

It implies that there is a widely known and universally acknowledged design fault in our federation. The term simply means that the national government raises a great deal of the money that is spent by the States. To my mind that is no 'imbalance' at all I have long believed that an essential Commonwealth job in Australia is to manage the size and shape of the public sector and it can only be done if in the end the Commonwealth has the power of the purse.

In Australia, the Federal Government has captured the major tax bases of personal and corporate income tax. It also has sole access to the indirect taxation of goods. It also derives a significant amount of revenue from natural resources through its resource rent tax arrangements. As a result, the degree of vertical fiscal imbalance in Australia is very high.

In Germany, the major taxes-personal and corporate income tax and the VAT-are shared with the Länder. In Canada, personal and corporate taxes are shared with the Provinces and, while the VAT is not a shared tax, the Provinces raise a significant amount of revenue from their own retail sales taxes. In Australia, fiscal equalisation is a function undertaken by the Commonwealth. Equalisation takes the form of providing general revenue grants to the States on the basis of relativities assessed by the Commonwealth Grants Commission.

Nevertheless, Australia has the most comprehensive fiscal equalisation model. Not only does the Grants Commission examine both the expenditure and revenue sides of the budgetary equation, but the system ensures that the richer States are equalised down to the standard while the poorer States are equalised up to the standard. In Canada, it is also the responsibility of the Federal government to provide equalisation grants to the Provinces.

However, only a partial equalisation approach is taken, in that only the revenue side of the equation is equalised, not the expenditure side. Furthermore, the system is designed only to augment the revenues of the poorer Provinces-there is no attempt to 'equalise down' the richer Provinces.

While Germany may have the most co-operative and co-ordinated approach to the sharing of tax revenues, it has the least well developed system of horizontal equalisation.

Interestingly, the provision of equalisation assistance to the poorer Länder is undertaken both by the Federation and the richer Länder. Still, only the revenue side of the equation is equalised and even then, it is only required that the poorer Länder be equalised to a standard of at least 95 per cent of the average revenue of the Länder as a whole.

Perhaps the most mystifying question of all is why the different federations have adopted such different approaches to the tax assignment issue. In the case of Germany, the political imperatives of the allied powers immediately after World War II played a major role in decentralising power in Germany. As mentioned earlier, one method of achieving this was the establishment of a very powerful States' house, the Bundesrat.

Members of the Bundesrat are not elected but are appointed by the governments of each of the Länder. If Länder governments change, the political complexion of the Bundesrat also changes concomitantly. Furthermore, the Bundesrat members representing a particular Land must vote as a block. Thus even though a party structure exists within the Bundesrat, the interests of each individual Land are well represented.

As John Uhr an Australian authority on public administration has pointed out, even though the Australian Senate is portrayed as a States' house, decisions are more likely to be made on a party rather than a State basis. Other authors have posited further factors.

Stanley Winer and Allan Maslove, Professors of Public Administration at Carleton University, Ottawa, have pointed to the greater ethnic disparities, degree of population dispersal and regional variation in Canada as a possible source of difference. Even the resumption of Provincial income tax sharing rights in was prompted by Quebec's actions. Russell Mathews argues that, while there is no doubt that there are economic and social disparities amongst Australia States, differences in per capita incomes amongst the States are probably much smaller than may be observed in most other countries.

The other States are all characterised by some important manufacturing industries-foodstuff processing in Queensland, a motor vehicle industry in South Australia, paper products in Tasmania and so forth. There is probably much greater diversity between the states in Canada and Germany than in Australia. There are quite profound economic differences between the poor Atlantic Provinces in Canada and rich provinces such as Alberta.

In Germany, not only are there significant structural economic differences between the Länder, but they also display historical differences in terms of religion and even tribal origins.

It is quite possible that these disparities have made the states in these two countries much more cognisant of the need to have their particular interests protected and therefore may have made them more resistance to centralising tendencies within their respective federations than has been the case in Australia.

Chart 1 sumarises the allocation of taxing responsibility between the tiers of government in Australia, the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada. High Court of Australia. Department of the Parliamentary Library. Current Issues Brief No. Temporary Commonwealth Safety Net Arrangements.

Furthermore, the remaining indirect taxation falls exclusively on goods. The sale of services is free of any taxation. Prime Minister's Press Release. Comparative Systems of Fiscal Federalism: Australia, Canada and the USA. Centre for Research of Federal Financial Relations. Also see Castles, F. Note, however, that in certain countries, macroeconomic policy making is a co-ordinated process between the levels of government. In Germany for example, the Economic Stabilisation Law Gesetz zur Förderung der Stabilität des Wachstums der Wirtschaft adopted in sets up a number of bodies tasked with co-ordinating the economic actions of the federal, state and local governments.

Tax Assignment in Federal Countries. Centre for Research on Federal Financial Relations. To say such powers are concurrent means that they may be exercised by both the Commonwealth and the States. Section of the Constitution, however, ensures that where Commonwealth and State laws are in conflict, Commonwealth law will prevail to the extent of any inconsistency. For a brief discussion of these influences at work, see Mathews, R and Grewal, B. The Public Sector in Jeopardy.

Centre for Strategic Economic Studies. The Commonwealth instituted payroll tax in , initially to cover the cost of the Commonwealth's child endowment scheme. Responsibility, Accountability and Efficiency. Address to the National Press Club. See Premiers' and Chief Ministers' Meeting: Adelaide, November May The Commonwealth has attempted to meet these objectives since by providing the States with a three year, rolling guarantee that their general revenue funding would be escalated each year by the rate of inflation and by the rate of national population growth, ie.

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